BLOOD DIAMOND
DOUBLETHINK & DECEPTION OVER THOSE WORTHLESS LITTLE ROCKS OF DESIRE
DOUBLETHINK & DECEPTION OVER THOSE WORTHLESS LITTLE ROCKS OF DESIRE
Part One Appeared June 1,
2007 http://www.whale.to/c/blood_diamond1.html
Z Magazine (abridged and edited)
Minor corrections and adjustments July 20, 2007.
MY TRUE
LOVE TOOK FROM THEE
BETRAYAL IS FOREVER
WHAT CLINTON (LOVERS) WILL NEVER SEE
WHERE DO HILLARY’S DIAMONDS COME FROM?
PEACE IS WAR, IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH
MINING THE APOCALYPSE
AngloGold=AngloAmerican=De Beers=Oppenheimers
DEPOPULATION IS A DIAMOND (MAGNATES) BEST FRIEND
STONES OF MISFORTUNE
CANADA’S GOLDEN GOOSE
BETRAYAL IS FOREVER
WHAT CLINTON (LOVERS) WILL NEVER SEE
WHERE DO HILLARY’S DIAMONDS COME FROM?
PEACE IS WAR, IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH
MINING THE APOCALYPSE
AngloGold=AngloAmerican=De Beers=Oppenheimers
DEPOPULATION IS A DIAMOND (MAGNATES) BEST FRIEND
STONES OF MISFORTUNE
CANADA’S GOLDEN GOOSE
“All that was
needed was an unending series of victories over your own memory. ‘Reality
control,’ they called it; in Newspeak, ‘doublethink.’”
George Orwell, 1984.
Blood Diamond is
a Hollywood film depicting horrific bloodshed in West Africa, in 1999, spawned
by the lust for diamonds. The film opens with the understatement that “thousands
have died and millions have become refugees.” But more than 70,000 people died
in Sierra Leone’s war. The film immediately segues to a palatial boardroom in
Antwerp, Belgium, to the G-8 Conference on diamonds. The all-white executives
are ostensibly concerned, holding worried discussions about…the fate of people?
Africa’s people?
“According to a devastating
report by Global Witness,” says
one of the G-8 execs, “these [conflict] stones are being used to purchase arms
and finance civil war.” The inference is that world leaders were surprised by
the revelations of Global Witness—a
London-based watchdog organization that the film clearly advertised for exposing
corporate malfeasance. “We must remember that these stones comprise only a small
percentage of the legitimate diamond industry,” says another G-8 exec, “whose
trade is critical to the economies of many emerging nations.” Excuse me?
Legitimate diamond industry?
Emerging nations…?
The Africans in the film are
remarkably well dressed and salubrious, and the African scenes are remarkably
sunny, clean, or, well, sanitized: the
effects of poverty and hunger are made invisible. Indeed, the film plays and
replays miscellaneous objectionable stereotypes and inaccuracies, but this is
Hollywood, after all, part of the American media, where degrading racial themes
are routinely peddled. The film also has its share of embedded corporate
branding—Hustler; Smirnoff, National Geographic; Guinness; BBC;
UNCHR, Mercedes, World Food Program…
At the end of the film a
disclaimer tells us that in 2003 the international community—those G-8
executives “partnered” with the diamond industry—established formal mechanisms
to control the flow of conflict diamonds. The film’s disclaimer parrots the line
of the World Diamond Council, an international organization created by the
diamond industry. Both assure consumers that more than 99% of rough stones today
come from conflict-free sources, thanks to the United Nations-mandated
Kimberley Process—a voluntary
self-regulation scheme where the industry crafts ‘passport’ documents certifying
all stones as conflict free. According to the people who profit from diamonds,
the blood diamonds problem is passé.[1]
“It’s not passé,” says Father
Rocco Puopolo of the Africa Faith and Justice Network. A child soldier in Sierra
Leone shot Puopolo in 1999. “The diamond industry can claim what they want. The
film is a template for what I believe is going on in parts of Africa today.”
Looking behind the scenes of
the movie—and behind the sparkle of the World Diamond Council—we are reminded of
George Orwell’s novel 1984, where the character Winston falsifies news to
peddle the Party’s propaganda. Orwell’s ‘Ministry of Truth’ turned all truth
upside-down, and all deceptions downside-up. Orwell gave us ‘doublethink’ and
‘newspeak’ and a fictionalized portrait of the future grounded in Orwell’s
experience of propaganda.
Is the diamond industry
peddling Orwellian diamondthink? “More than 99% of diamonds are conflict free,”
the industry chorus tells us, “thus all diamonds are conflict free.” Like the
Blood Diamond disclaimer, the World Diamond Council (WDC) sweeps conflict
diamonds into the mindshafts of history. The “Clean Diamond Act”—passed by the
U.S. Congress in 2003—does the same. All is well, they say, in Diamondville.
To be sure we understand that,
the WDC in 2006 launched a blitzkreig
advertising campaign—full-page ads in the New York Times, USA Today,
Los Angeles Times, the International Herald Tribune—touting the
self-policing successes of the Kimberley Process. The campaign was presumably
coordinated to counter the supposed “negative publicity” of the Blood Diamond
film.
To shore up lover’s hearts in
the pre-Christmas ‘06 diamond rush, the New York Times echoed the WDC’s
statement, adding that diamond revenues today bring health care, education and
development to African countries, those emerging
nations. “This [diamond] is supposed to be a symbol of all things good,” a
pullout in the NYT article reads—page E-10—next to a seductive model with
a glimmering smile and a glamorous gown. The article points buyers to diamonds
from Canada: no blood spilt in Canada, right?
[2] Same paper, same day, had a
full-page Tiffany advert—page A-10—with soft aquamarine hues offsetting the
sparkle of diamonds and the tender allure of text: “My True Love Gave to Me.”
Are blood diamonds merely
polished by public relations? The Kimberly Process was launched under the narrow
definition that “conflict diamonds” only originate from conflicts between
‘rebels’ and ‘governments’: it refers to smuggling by militias antagonistic to
‘legitimate’ member governments. But the examples of Angola and Zimbabwe
illustrate how the new rules are used against immigrants, refugees and poor
citizen miners. This is the essence of diamondthink: truth and lie are
inseparable, with deadly consequences.
In Angola they are called
artisanos or garimpeiros,
and they are literally mining for their lives:
garimpeiros in Angola are forced
into ‘illegal’ mining because Angola’s mining security companies push people off
their own land. While agriculture and commerce in the region require the direct
authorization of the Provincial Governor, not one artisano
has been granted a license for diamond
exploration or subsistence agriculture. The ‘legitimate’ government of Angola
forces desperate people to resort to ‘illegal’ activities to survive.
[3]
Three private military
companies—PMCs—have been targeting garimpeiros
in Angola. The mercenary firms Alfa-5, Teleservices, and K&P Mineira defend
Angola’s big name diamond firms like Sociedade de Desenvolvimento
Mineiro (Sodiam), Sociedade
Mineira de Cuango, and Sociedade
Mineira Luminas. Human rights researcher
Rafael Marques documented case after case of PMCs arresting, beating and
torturing garimpeiros. They stop
garimpeiros from fishing in their
rivers, growing their own food, or living traditional lives; they have forced
sexual relations on family members, including same-sex rape and sodomy.[4]
The PMCs operate behind Angola’s public diamond company, Endiama, and have
exclusive rights to Angola’s diamonds. Endiama owns 99% of shares in Sodiam,
which has a joint venture with Lazare Kaplan International (LKI) of the
Israeli-American Maurice Tempelsman family.
Sodiam works with the
Russo-Israeli Lev Leviev Group. Endiama owns part of Alfa-5, the PMC that
exploits and tortures garimpeiros.
Alfa-5 and K&P Mineira provide security for ASCORP—the Angola Selling
Corporation—another Angolan monopoly. In Marques’ case reports,
garimpeiros describe a mysterious white
foreigner of British origin, an armed agent working in the field for Alfa-5, who
beats and tortures people.
One of ASCORP’s controlling
investors, Lev Leviev, runs a global commercial empire that includes: Leviev
Group of Companies; Lev Leviev Diamonds; Africa-Israel (commercial real estate
in Prague and London); Gottex (swimwear) Company; 1,700 Fina gas stations in the
Southwest U.S.; 173 7-Elevens in New Mexico and Texas; a 33% stake in Cross
Israel Highway (Israel’s first toll road); and more.[5]
Leviev partner Arcady Gaydamak, an arms dealer, also reportedly works with Danny
Yatom, a former MOSSAD (Israeli secret service) chief and security advisor to
former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. Leviev is connected to Russian
President Vladimir Putin, and to Sandline International, a U.K./South African
mercenary firm.[6]
Angola remains a war-torn
country. The União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA)
rebels, backed by the CIA during the Cold War, and then targeted by the Clinton
Administration, and then partnered with the “rebels” in Congo’s wars, are known
to sell $100 million worth of diamonds annually. While participants in the
Kimberley Process complained of UNITA’s criminality, they gave the “legitimate”
Dos Santos government a sparkling bill of health. The Angola example shows how
‘black markets’ are created by predatory ‘white’ economies which perpetuate
suffering and dispossession; diamond companies do not ‘ignore atrocities’ as the
New York Times wrote in their December whitewash, they create and
perpetuate them.
Zimbabwe is the epitome of
diamondthink. From December 2006 to January 2007, Zimbabwe’s police executed
Operation Chikorokoza—“end of illegal
mining”—against ‘illegal’ gold panners and diamond miners countrywide. Police
set up roadblocks and brutalized travelers.[7]
They arrested and terrorized at least 24,890 people, and burned down the houses
of artisanal miners and others displaced by the international destabilization of
Zimbabwe. Meanwhile, police confiscated some 3.5 kilograms of gold worth over
$57.3 million; 552,227 kilograms of gold ore; 92 emeralds; and 7,868 diamonds.[8]
Robert Mugabe’s cronies and
their international benefactors have destabilized and depopulated DRC, looting
copper, cobalt, timber, uranium and diamonds. Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party in recent
years crashed the international media scene for evicting white farmers under
‘land reform’, but untouched are the largest landholders: multinational
corporations.
Mugabe seized
power in 1981 on the empty promise of land reform. In the 1980’s Mugabe and his
“liberation” army terrorized the Ndebele people under the Gukurahundi—a
bona fide genocide. After arming Mugabe’s gang, the international “community”
closed its eyes to the slaughter; attempts to break the story were squashed in
Britain and the U.S.[9]
Equally invisible are Mugabe’s ties to international arms dealer John Bredenkamp,
one of the 50 richest Britons, worth $1 billion, tied to BAE Systems (British
Aerospace) and the U.S. state department, and Billy Rautenbach, another Western
mining cartel crony and white patron of Mugabe.[10]
The World Diamond Council
“expressed concern” about Zimbabwe’s complicity in pillaging and smuggling rough
diamonds from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) into neighboring South
Africa for onward sale into the world market under fraudulent certificates of
origin.[11]
But the threat of sanctions against Zimbabwe is not about diamonds: while
international capital is isolating and punishing Zimbabwe’s intransigent
President, Robert Mugabe, other criminal diamond networks and racketeering of
equal scale and nature will be tolerated.
Angola and Zimbabwe exemplify
the process whereby an international certification scheme enforced by the United
Nations rubber stamps boxes of rough stones according to their ‘country of
origin.’ Stamped ‘Angola’ or ‘Zimbabwe’ the public is assured
that these diamonds are now ‘conflict free,’ because these nations are members
of the Kimberley certification. Coming from ‘governments’—and not ‘rebels’ or
‘militias’—consumers can be at peace as they slip a diamond on their fiancé’s
finger.
Botswana is a classic example
of a “peaceful” country engaged in diamond exploration: if any diamond in Africa
were conflict free, one would think Botswana would be the place to find it. But
the Botswana government has a long history of oppression against the San
people—Bushmen of the Kalahari—and continues to force them off ancestral lands
to make way for the world’s premier diamond cartel, De Beers/Anglo-American
Corp.
The diamondthink of De Beers
knows no limits: they have claimed that protecting
tribal homelands leads to apartheid. Diamond finds in the Bushmen’s ancestral
lands inspired government evictions. “Money from diamonds has undoubtedly funded
the evictions and the ‘relocation camps’ which the Bushmen call ‘places of
death,’” wrote Survival International. “De Beers’ Managing Director in Botswana
backed the removals. De Beers falsely claims there were no Bushmen originally in
its concession. It has also stated that laws to protect tribal peoples should
not be applied in Africa, as they ‘lead to apartheid.’”
[12]
Botswana and Namibia have
been fighting over water, and the flows of refugees and dissidents brought
Botswana into the cross hairs of the Pentagon in the late 1990’s. A U.S.
military build-up ensued: electronic intelligence listening posts, an expansive
air base built in the Bushman’s desert, weapons and training programs.
Construction began in 1994, and the U.S. “turned the base into a staging area
for [special operations] forces involved in quelling civil wars and secessionist
movements in Africa.” Botswana’s opposition complained: “Why should we put up
such a sophisticated and costly facility when people are starving?”
[13]
After President
Clinton’s
glowing speech in Botswana in 1998, Professor Larry Swatuk at the University of
Botswana complained: “The San people of the Central Kalahari have been relocated
from within the Central Kalahari Game Reserve to make way for new tourism
ventures and mineral prospecting by multinational corporations, including De
Beers. About 3,000 San were moved to a bleak settlement called New Xade some 45
km beyond the reserve's western border... Unemployment, jobless economic growth,
political in-fighting, conflicts over natural resources within and between
states, and increasing militarization in a region too familiar with the human
and material costs of war: these are some of the realities that Bill Clinton
should have seen.”
[14]
By 2003 Australian
BHP-Billiton was prospecting with leases over 78,000 sq. kms of Botswana, some
27,000 sq. kms in the Kalahari Reserve.[15]
In a “landmark” court case decided in December 2006, the San won the “rights” to
re-enter their ancestral lands in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, but the
government stipulated that they cannot erect permanent structures, they cannot
hunt, or drill boreholes, and to expect no services from government. Rapaport
News called the court case, “the longest and most expensive in Botswana's
history.”[16]
Diamonds are a $2 billion industry in Botswana, and the government is a 15%
shareholder in De Beers. The Bushmen say: “We as First People of the Kalahari
believe that conflict diamonds are whenever diamonds cause pain and suffering.
That is why we call Botswana diamonds conflict diamonds.”
[17]
Belgian-born
Maurice Tempelsman has a long and bloody
history in Africa. When Congo’s first Premier, Patrice Lumumba, pledged to
return diamond wealth back to the newly independent Congo in the early 60’s,
Tempelsman, who began with De Beers in the 1950’s, helped engineer the coup
d’etat that consolidated the dictatorship
of 29 year-old Colonel Mobutu, and the coup
against Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah; diamonds were at stake in each.
[18]
“I believe this was the
beginning of what we now know of as conflict diamonds in the Congo,” says blood
diamond expert Janine
Roberts. “From then on diamonds
would be extensively used to discreetly fund wars, coups, repression and
dictatorships, in Africa.”
[19]
“Tempelsman’s role in the confluence of public policy and private profit as a
middleman for the De Beers diamond cartel may have shaped every major U.S.
covert action in Africa since the early 1950s. Declassified memos and cables
between former U.S. presidents and State Department officials over the last four
decades directly linked Tempelsman to the destabilization of Zaire/Congo, Sierra
Leone, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Rwanda and Ghana.”[20]
For over 35 years Maurice and
son Leon Tempelsman worked the diamond connection behind the repression of
Mobutu Sese Seko and his Israeli-trained shock troops. Now, 47 years later, the
Tempelsman empire remains rock solid behind three companies: Leon Tempelsman &
Sons, De Beers, and Lazare Kaplan International; LKI supplies Tiffany’s and
Cartier’s. A client of Adelai Stevenson’s law firm during the first Congo crises
(1960-1970), Tempelsman later hired Lawrence Devlin, a CIA station chief
responsible for covert operations in Katanga, to maintain the Mobutu
diamond/cobalt connections into the late 1980’s.
Tempelsman’s capacity to sway
governments and leverage markets is unrivaled. In 2002, Tempelsman offered
Namibia’s President Sam Nujoma an $80 million interest free “loan” to bridge
Namibia's budgetary shortfall against future sales of Namibia’s gemstones.[21]
Namibia is the leading
producer of offshore deep sea diamonds, through DeBeers and Diamond Fields, and
South Africa second. Offshore diamond mining has expanded to Papua New Guinea
and New Zealand waters, and global mining investors call it the “new gold rush,”
but scientists compare deep-sea dredging to destroying an eco-system as complex
as a tropical rain forest. Specialized deep-sea crawler vessels like DeBeers
“The Peace in Africa” reflect the expertise of the Woods Hole Oceanographic
Institute.[22]
Maurice Tempelsman is an honorary trustee and an honorary member of the
corporation of Woods Hole Oceanographic
Institution.[23]
Tempelsman is the deep
pockets of the Democratic party, a regular supporter of the campaigns of John
Kerry (D); Ed Royce (R); Tom Daschle (D); Barack Obama (D); Maxine Waters (D);
John Rockefeller (D); Richard Gephardt (D); Howard Wolpe (D); Patrick (D) and
Edward Kennedy (D); and the 1988 win of George H.W. Bush. Tempelsman also
exploited ties with Anthony Lake, Clinton’s National Security adviser, who
intervened at the U.S. Export-Import Bank on Tempelsman’s behalf.
[24]
Tempelsman contributed some
$500,000 to Clinton for president, and he is backing Hillary (D). He traveled at
Clinton’s side on the 1998 Presidential Africa tour—along with National Security
Council staffer John Prendergast, now an International Crises Group “expert” and
leading “Save Darfur!” cheerleader. The Clinton’s Botswana visit was not about
an Okavango Delta wildlife reserve safari. Botswana’s President Mogae attended
the 1999 Attracting Capital to Africa Summit
in Houston (TX), organized by the Corporate Council on Africa (CCA), the “who’s
who” of multinational corporations.[25]
CCA chairman Maurice Tempelsman organized the summit, where 10 African heads of
state met with half of Clinton's Cabinet and 200 corporate representatives.[26]
Tempelsman and the CCA organized the U.S.-Africa Business Summit in Africa in
2001, featuring DRC President Joseph Kabila, coordinated with an Africa
Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) meeting
involving President G. W. Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powel.
Maurice Tempelsman was Jackie
O’Nassis Kennedy’s lover and he reportedly courted Madeline Albright. Tempelsman
is Chairman of the American Jewish Congress, a Zionist pressure group that
claims it “works closely with the Israeli military.”
[27] He sits on the boards of
nationalist American think tanks that also seat Madeleine Albright. As
Vice-Chairman of Lazare Kaplan International, Tempelsman’s annual base pay is
$458,833, with a bonus of $80,000; as principal director/shareholder in Leon
Tempelsman and Sons he gets a comparable amount again. SEC filings show that LKI
directors are high-rolling Zionist lawyers and investment bankers: one director
belongs to the law firm that represented President Kennedy—another Tempelsman
friend. LKI is also connected to the euphemistically named United States Agency
for International Development (USAID).[28]
Selling to the U.S. Diamond Stockpile and to his private profits, Tempelsman
companies have plundered tens of billions of diamond dollars from
Congo/Zaire—alone—in the past five decades.
Conditions in Congo today are
Leopoldian. Some Congolese earn as
little as $2 a month working like slaves for Western companies. In a recent
study, Medicins Sans Frontieres found conditions surveyed across Congo beyond
“emergency” and into “catastrophic” classification. Since the war ended in 2003,
conditions—in terms of mortality and access to health care—have deteriorated.
People die of malaria, diarrhea, malnutrition, tuberculosis, measles, and the
inability to seek or receive treatment. Conditions in peaceful areas of DRC
remain worse than most war zones in the world.[29]
Mortality in Eastern DRC remained over 1000 people per day in April 2007.[30]
In 2001, the World Peace
Foundation Program on Intrastate Conflict at Harvard’s Kennedy School of
Government organized a conference on conflict diamonds that “involved
stakeholders of diverse interests.” WPF program director Robert Rotberg chaired
the meeting. Rotberg also directs the Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Human
Rights, whose directors are the core of the defense and intelligence
establishment, men like John Deutch, former CIA director, and Richard Darmam,
partner, Carlyle Group. The Harvard diamond conference actually normalized
De Beers’ relations with the U.S. Government: De Beers reps received a special
government amnesty to attend the conference after years of exile from the U.S.
due to anti-trust law violations.
In 2002 the WPF produced a
report Diamonds in Peace and War: Severing the Conflict-Diamond Connection.
The report lauded the Kennedy School’s efforts based on a rush of activity that
followed the conference at the end of November 2001.[31]
The “rush of activity” included the U.S. government’s Clean Diamond Trade Act (H.R.
722), born in November 2001, passed in April 2003. All bluster and polish, the
Act gave the U.S. President authority to institute “War on Terror” sanctions
against any country that deals in dirty diamonds. The U.S. General Accounting
Office noted in 2006 that the law is weak and deeply flawed. Since at least
1996, the campaigns of Russ Feingold (D-WI), who co-sponsored the Senate
version, have been heavily funded by Leon Tempelsman & Son.
The Kennedy school today
peddles their report as a comprehensive success. “Using diamonds to import arms
and sponsor war is less likely now that the Kimberley Process has produced a
near-final agreement,” the current abstract reads. “Diamonds in Peace and War
is the place to learn all about this remarkably successful initiative of
conflict prevention and conflict reduction.”
[32]
Maurice Tempelsman chairs the
International Advisory Council at the Harvard AIDS Institute (HAI) of the School
of Public Health. HAI partners with the U.S. Military HIV Research Program (USMHRP),
a program whose said purpose is to develop vaccines and AIDS prevention for U.S.
Military servicemen.[33]
Tempelsman’s involvement in covert actions and interventions flags this program
as cover for clandestine biowarfare in “emerging” countries.
When contacted, Robert
Rotberg praised the Kimberley Process as a “remarkable achievement” and he
dismissed any conflict of interest between Tempelsman and the Kimberley
initiatives. “We invited Maurice Tempelsman to the [2001] conference, but he
chose not to come.” Asked about the U.S. Government diamond stockpile, Robert
Rotberg indicated that its existence “is news to me.” The U.S. Defense Logistics
Agency controls the national diamond stockpiles: some 3.1 million carats are
held at the Defense National Stockpile Centers.[34]
Pressed further about Tempelsman, Rotberg replied. “There is no contact between
this side of the Charles river and that side. This is not a conspiracy, the real
problem is not Maurice Tempelsman: the biggest problem is that the U.S. Treasury
has been really slow to put [Kimberley] structures in place.”
[35]
Maurice Tempelsman and Robert
Rotberg are members of the Council on Foreign Relations. No contact between
them? From 1999 to 2002 the CFR sponsored a series of panels titled “Roundtable
on Private Capital Flows to Sub-Saharan Africa.” The panels’ director was Mahesh
Kotecha and Chair was Maurice Tempelsman. At the time, Tempelsman was funding
the CFR’s Africa Program. Panelists included Walter Kansteiner, Robert Rotberg,
Frank Wisner and Botswana’s President Festus Mogae. The Vice President of
Botswana, Lt. General S.K.I Khama, is on the board of U.S.-based Conservation
International, a corporate “conservation” organization whose tiny smokescreen
“ecotourism” project is used to tout their support in helping the San Bushmen.[36]
Conservation International directors include Louis Cabot, whose Cabot
Corporation benefited from the plunder of columbium-tantalite (coltan) from
Congo.
The Kotecha family is directly involved with illegal
networks pillaging coltan from Congo.
Walter Kansteiner—National Security Council African
Affairs director under Clinton—is today director of Moto Gold, a company
involved in Congo’s blood-drenched Ituri region, and the Kansteiner family of
Chicago trades in coltan.[37]
Walter Kansteiner was the U.S. President’s “personal representative” to the G-8
Africa Process, and he is a founding principal of the Scowcroft Group, under
Brent Scowcroft, former National Security Adviser to G. H. W. Bush and Gerald
Ford. Kansteiner also works for the Center for Strategic and International
Studies Africa Policy Advisory Panel.[38]
Panelist Frank Wisner was also on the National Security
Council under Clinton. Wisner’s co-directors of the American International Group
include: Marshall Cohen, a director of the Bush-connected Barrick Gold
Corporation and Canadian Government Official; Harvard Professor Martin Stuart
Feldstein; Clinton Cabinet members William Cohen and Richard Holbrooke; and
Carla Hills, NAFTA negotiator and director of Chevron-Texaco and the
International Crises Group, a flak organization active in all Africa’s hotspots.
(William) Cohen Group partners include former top Pentagon
officers, White House officials, U.K. Lords, NATO Chiefs, and directors of
Lockheed Martin and Dyncorp. Note that Dyncorp director Mark Ronald was
previously President/CEO of BAE Systems.[39]
Another Cohen Group director, Gen. (ret.) Paul Kern, participated in operations
in Rwanda and Zaire. Frank Wisner’s father was CIA director of the Office of
Policy Coordination, an early covert operations bureau; Operation Mockingbird,
designed to infiltrate and control the U.S. media, was one of theirs. Frank
Wisner—a USAID and state department official in Vietnam—was involved with the
black-operations Pheonix
assassinations program.[40]
Tempelsman’s affiliation with
Robert Rotberg at the CFR explains the absence of any mention of Tempelsman or
his diamond interests in the Kimberly-related conferences, policies and papers
that came out of the Kennedy School. Seven
Harvard professionals, including Michael Ignatief, and
Samantha Power, who won a Pulitzer for
her whitewash of the U.S.-backed coup in Rwanda,[41]
took part in the 2001 Kennedy School conference that led to Diamonds in Peace
and War, the report that whitewashed Maurice Tempelsman’s involvement.
Appeared July 1, 2007
Z Magazine (abridged
and edited):
Over the past fifty years, top
Israeli, American, French and Belgian diamond dealers have perpetrated conflict
and injustice in Africa, fueled by and for diamonds. According to a
report by the American Jewish Committee: after 1980 “Mossad agents, military
emissaries, and a small group of private businessmen… replaced diplomats as
Israel’s main interlocutors with African leaders and political (mainly
opposition) groups.” The report cites rising involvement of private defense and
security interests, especially in Angola, DRC and Central Africa Republic, since
1992. [42]
Retired Israeli Defense
Forces Colonel Yair Klein reportedly organized arms for diamonds networks in
Sierra Leone and Liberia after President Charles Taylor was deposed.
President in 1997, Taylor was imprisoned in Massachusetts in 1984 for
embezzlement in Liberia, but “escaped” mysteriously. He was close with President
Blaise Compaoré of Burkina
Faso, which is Israel’s base of operations in Africa and a conduit for illegal
stones. Yair Klein violated the U.N. embargo by trading arms for diamonds from
the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), the rebels in Sierra Leone who chopped
people’s hands off, as depicted the film. In 1999 Klein was arrested in Sierra
Leone on charges of smuggling arms to the RUF; transactions went through Ibrahim
Bah, a Senegalese Soldier of Fortune—and purported Al Qaeda businessman.[43]
Lebanese diamond middlemen in both
Sierra Leone and DRC are linked to Hezbollah. The U.N. documented collaborations
between Sierra Leone’ rebels, Tempelsman companies, and Tempelsman’s Lazare
Kaplan diamond agent Damian Gagnon.
[44]
The Congo’s state diamond mining
company, Societe Miniere De Bakwanga (MIBA), has been cited for shooting
‘illegal’ diamond workers on its concessions in Mbuju Mayi, the diamond capital
of Congo.
“Every day, hundreds of unemployed
Congolese take similar risks in the diamond fields of Mbuji-Mayi,” wrote Amnesty
International in 2002. “And every day, dozens of gunshots ring out as guards
employed by MIBA seek to deter illegal miners.”
[45]
The BBC in August 2006 reported that MIBA security guards were sniping
unemployed diamond miners.[46]
MIBA security is run by one of the many DRC interests of Belgian
billionaire tycoon Philippe de Moerloose. A member of the Kinshasa elite, De
Moerloose supplies jets and other presidential toys to DRC President Kabila.
Multinational mining giants De
Beers and BHP-Billiton both have partnered with MIBA.
In
2003, as the Kimberley Process crystallized, MIBA signed an exclusive contract
with Canadian Emaxon, a subsidiary of Dan Gertler Israel (DGI) Group. But the
expansion of Gertler companies in Congo began in 2000, when former Congolese
president Laurent Kabila offered Gertler’s International Diamond Industries (IDI)
a monopoly on Congolese diamonds, and 88% of the proceeds, in exchange for
Israeli military assistance to his new government.[47]
The DRC government expelled IDI’s competitors from Congo: smuggling and fraud
proliferated as thousands of poor artisanal miners suffered increasing coercion,
violence and exclusion.
[48]
Gertler pledged military
assistance through retired General Yosi Ben-Hanan, Avigdor Lieberman—Deputy
Prime Minister of Israel since
November 2006 and leader of Israel’s far-right nationalist
party Beitenu—and
Yossi Kamisa, a former Israeli policeman in the Anti-Terrorism Unit and advisor
to the Ministry of National Infrastructures director general.[49]
Though the deal was revoked in April 2001—President Laurent Kabila was
assassinated that January—Gertler formed DGI and partnered with other top
Israeli military officials and moved ahead.
Claiming he was cut out of the
deal to train the Congolese army, Kamisa filed a multi-million dollar lawsuit
against Dan Gertler, Foreign Defense Assistance and Defense Export Organization
(SIBAT), and SIBAT’s director-general Gen. (ret.) Yosi Ben-Hanan. Kamisa’s
assistance was conditional on Gertler obtaining a diamond mining franchise in
Congo: an agreement was indeed signed granting Gertler a diamond mining
franchise worth about $US 1 billion.[50]
Kamisa, in January 2001, said
SIBAT rejected his application to set up and train the Congo Army on the grounds
that it violated Israel's defense export policy. Meanwhile, Mossad Chief Meir
Dagan and Gen. (ret.) Yanush Avigdor Ben-Gal applied to train the Congo Army in
Israel and in Congo, in cooperation with Gertler.[51]
By 2002 Gertler’s company was the leading exporter of Congolese gems. Top
Congolese military officials apparently flew to Israel in 2000 to negotiate the
deal, and Gertler reportedly bribed Congolese officials and Angola Army generals
who commanded Angola Army troops protecting the Congo capital Kinshasa. Note
that Angola sent troops to Congo in July 2006 to quell any possible rebellion by
a Congolese public angered by Western interests’ engineering of Congo’s
“historic national elections.”
Dan Gertler and partner Beny
Steinmetz control DGI, Gertler Brothers, Beny Steinmetz Global Resources,
Nikanor and Global Enterprises Corporate (GEC), companies with massive diamond,
and copper/cobalt concessions in Katanga, some in partnership with John
Bredenkamp and Billy Rautenbach. The Gertler Brothers are Israeli property
tycoons. The privatized Congolese mining parastatal GECAMINES is minority
partner, and J.P. Morgan Chase is involved. George Forrest’s Kinross-Forrest
Group also joined the fray. Forrest companies made the U.N. hit list of Congo’s
looters. Forrest has munitions factories in East Africa and has partnered in DRC
with OM-Group of Ohio, USA. A pillar of exploitation in Congo since 1922,
Forrest bankrolled Joseph Kabila’s election “victory”.[52]
A holding company for DRC properties, Nikanor’s stock prices rose early in July
2006 in expectation of a July 30 “win” for Joseph Kabila.
Dan Kurtzer—former U.S. ambassador to Israel—is on Nikanor’s board.
Maurice Tempelsman was for decades
the unofficial ambassador to Congo/Zaire; Dan Gertler has usurped that
role. In 2000 Gertler was named
Honorary Consul to the Congo. Beny Steinmetz may be the
biggest De Beers “sightholder”.
Africa Confidential called
President Kabila’s 2003 visit to the Bush White House a “coup” for Gertler and
Steinmetz. Gertler’s best friend is Brooklyn-born Chaim Leibowitz, a personal
friend of Condoleeza Rice. In 2003, Rice introduced Gertler and Leibowitz to
Jendayi Frasier, a former NSC agent focused on Africa, and a Harvard Kennedy
School affiliate. Frasier was one of seven special G. W. Bush delegates sent to
Kinshasa for the inauguration of President Joseph Kabila on 6 December 2006;
Phelps Dodge mining executive John Fenn was another.
[53]
Tempelsman and Steinmetz bought
diamonds from both sides during Angola’s thirty-year war. Israeli diamond
tycoons Gertler and Leviev are reportedly jockeying for power with Isabel Dos
Santos, the high-rolling diamond-studded daughter of the President of Angola.[54]
Given U.S. support for Rwanda and Uganda, and the U.S. alliance with Israel, Dan
Gertler’s backing the Congolese army to fight rebel groups backed by Rwanda and
Uganda amounts to the U.S. and Israel backing both sides in Congo’s holocaust.
Dan Gertler’s grandfather, Moshe
Schnitzer, is known in Israel as “Mr. Diamond;” in youth he joined the
Irgun,
an Israeli military cell responsible for terrorism; he later founded the Israel
Diamond Exchange in Tel Aviv, which today brings Israel $13 billion annually in
commerce, and is the country’s second-largest industry. Israel buys some 50% of
the world’s rough diamonds, and the U.S. buys two-thirds of these. Moshe
Schnitzer’s son and Dan Gertler’s uncle is Shmuel Schnitzer, Vice-Chairman of
the Belgian-based World Diamond Council—the entity that promotes the false image
of “clean” or “conflict-free” diamonds.
[55]
“The Congo is producing $1-billion
a year in diamonds,” Victor Kasongo, chief executive officer of DRC’s Centre
d'Evaluation, d'Expertise Et de Certification, told Reuters at a
rough diamond conference in Tel Aviv in 2004. The World Diamond Council
lists Congolese businessman Victor Kasongo as a ‘member.’ DRC mines minister,
Simon Tuma-Waku is “special adviser” to one Gertler/Steinmetz project in DRC.
Dan Gertler’s forays into the
bloody world of diamonds involve Israeli arms dealer Yair Klein—the retired
Israeli Defense Forces Colonel mentioned above—who is reportedly wanted by the
U.S. for training Medellin drug-cartel militias in Colombia. Klein was convicted
by Israel (1991) for his involvement with Columbian groups that targeted and
assassinated Colombian politicians, journalists, and police. Klein was jailed in
1999 in Sierra Leone: Klein was a field representative for Gertler in war-torn
Sierra Leone and Liberia. Gertler also mingles with the Russian Military
Brotherhood, a group of “retired Russian generals whom Gertler describes as good
friends.” [56]
Another partner in the
Israeli-American networks of the Gertler and Steinmetz brothers is Israeli-born
Nir Livnat, managing director of Johannesburg-based Ascot Diamonds, a member of
the Steinmetz Group of Diamond Companies: Livnat is connected to a string of
Israeli-Americans—lawyers, investment bankers and venture capitalists—running
companies from Florida to New York, Toronto to Tel Aviv.[57]
According to Chaim Evan-Zohar
of Diamond.Com, “The Steinmetz Group is known as 'the master' in the
field of diamonds and is one the leading customers of De Beers. The Steinmetz
Group has several sources of independent mines that supply the rough diamonds.
Whenever a large sale, auction or event appears in the diamond business, you can
be sure that the Steinmetz Group is part of it. The Steinmetz Group supports
Diamond.com as the Jeweler of the Millennium Diamonds.”
[58]
The Millenium Star diamond was discovered in the
Mbuji-Mayi region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo—then
Zaire—in
1990 in alluvial deposits; uncut it was 777 carat (155.4 g).
The blue “Millenium Star” diamond unveiled in 2000 is 203.04 carats. Other blue
diamonds have been auctioned at between $560,000 to $580,000 per carat, but
never has a diamond of this size or quality been sold. Nicky Oppenheimer of De
Beers “was careful not to put a value on the Millennium Star, saying that any
figure he would give would be purely academic. The London Evening Star was not
as conservative as Mr. Oppenheimer and insured the Star for 100 million English
pounds. This is believed to be a fraction of its true worth.”
[59]
The cutting and polishing process for the “Millenium Star” series diamonds took
three years, and was led by Nir Livnat.
Nir Livnat is also a director of Anglovaal Mining with Rick
and Brian Menell. The other principals on Anglovaal are South African and
Canadian. The Anglovaal Chairman is Kennedy Maxwell, head of the gold and
uranium division of Johannesburg Consolidated Investments (JCI) and a member of
the S.A. Mining Industry’s Chamber of Mines’ controlling executive. Anglovaal
director David N. Murray, who lives in the U.K., is also director of Canada’s
Ivernia Company, whose directors include Canadian Senator J. Trevor Eaton.
Senator Eyton is a board member of a number of
corporations, including
Coca-Cola Enterprises (Atlanta),
General Motors of Canada,
Noranda
Mining,
Nestle Canada,
and the Bush-connected Barrick Gold Corporation, whose directors include Brian
Mulroney. Barrick, of course, is partnered up with Anglo-American Ashanti in
Congo.
Brian Mulroney, former Prime Minister of Canada, appointed
Eaton to the Senate of Canada in
1991; Mulroney is also a director of Barrick Gold. Other
Barrick directors include Vernon Jordan and former U.S. Senator Howard Baker.
Mulroney is also a director of Archers Daniels Midland, with former Ambassador
and Mayor of Atlanta Andrew Young. The corporate clients of Young’s consulting
firm Goodworks International include the Government of Angola, Coca-Cola,
Barrick Gold, Chevron-Texaco and Guinness International—one of the branded
products advertised in the storyline of the film Blood Diamond.
Andrew Young has been very close with the Museveni and Kagame officials
plundering diamonds and other natural resources out of Congo.
Brian Menell, Nir Livnat’s associate on the board of
Anglovaal, is on the board of ENERGEM with Tony Teixeira, and like Teixeira he
is involved in numerous other companies and interlocking directorships. That
ties Teixeira into networks supporting both Kabila and Bemba.
Brian Menell is also on the board of First Africa Oil,
which operates in seven African countries, and First Africa Oil director John
Bentley is on the board of Adastra Minerals—formerly America Mineral Fields (AMF,
AMFI, AMX) based at one time in Hope, Arkansas and another time in London, and
set up by “friends of Bill Clinton” Robert Friedland
[60]
and Max and Jean-Raymond Boulle. John Bentley is also a director of Osprey Oil
and Gas, whose directors include Carol Bell, a director of Chase Manhattan Bank.
De Beers holds twelve diamond
concessions in DRC’s blood-drenched Kasai provinces; Emaxon also holds
concessions in the Kasais. One of DRC’s largest diamond concessions, Kasai
Shield, involves Australia’s Gravity Diamonds with BHP-Billiton, Mwana Africa,
and MIBA, and through these BHP-Billiton links to AngloGold, Barrick Gold, and
Moto Gold (Kansteiner) in Ituri. BHP-Billiton directors include: Paul Andersen,
U.S. President’s Advisory Council for Science and Technology, and David Jenkins,
Halliburton Corp. Halliburton subsidiary Brown and Root backed the Rwandan
Patriotic Front
coups d’etat in Rwanda
(1994) and Zaire (1996): millions of innocent people were slaughtered.[61]
The numbers of dead from Congo’s wars—which began with the U.S.-backed invasion
of 1996 and continue to today—likely exceed ten million.
[62]
While plundering DRC, Uganda’s
diamond exports to Belgium tripled, and their weapons imports rose, Uganda
denied everything, the Western media reported nothing, and Uganda’s backers kept
the “development aid” flowing.[63]
Friendly with Israel for years,[64]
Uganda has bought Mi-17 transport helicopters and armaments from Silver Shadow,
an Israeli PMC registered with SIBAT, and one of many PMC’s reportedly in DRC.[65]
In 1999, Uganda purchased seven MiG jet fighters from Belarus, and four were
modified in Israel to increase their firepower.[66]
The Uganda governments’ terrorism in Congo is matched by decades of internal
state terrorism in Northern Uganda; as of April 25 some 2300 Ugandan troops were
involved in the U.S. deconstruction of Somalia; Uganda is also involved in
Sudan.
With their constant military
presence in eastern DRC since 1996, establishing informal networks to plunder,
extort, and terrorize, top Rwandan officials and cronies shipped Congo’s stones
from Kigali to Belgium on Sabena—the Belgian National Airline that carried
Congolese nationalist Patrice Lumumba to his own murder in 1961. Kagame’s elite
network funds their killing machine with illicit diamonds, coltan and timber,
and extortion through commercial levies in Congo. According to the U.N. Panel of
Experts on Illegal Exploitation of DRC, they set up a “Congo desk” run by
Lebanese diamond merchant Aziz Nassour, purportedly linked to Al Qaeda.[67]
Nassour was displaced by Israeli diamond dealer, Philippe Surowicz, remembered
for his ‘reign of terror’ in collusion with the RPA military. The “Congo Desk”
replaced Surowicz with a Lebanese, Hamad Khalil, backed by comptoirs in
Kisangani.[68]
Lebanese and Indian traders in
Congo/Zaire operate as middlemen—mafia networks that proliferated under
Mobutu—and these networks were reorganized by war in DRC. Middlemen, backed by
military structures, maintain a stranglehold over poor Congolese artisans.
Stones move into international trade through Belgian, Israeli and Russian buyers
working for the bigger diamond concerns like Lazare Kaplan, De Beers, and Emaxon.
Another godless force in the
African diamond plunder is Pat
Robertson,
evangelist minister with the Christian Coalition. A Mobutu confidant,
Robertson’s African Development Corp. used the “humanitarian” cover of
“Operation Blessing” to plunder diamonds during Congo’s bloodbath. He worked
closely with Charles Taylor (1997-2003). Robertson’s Freedom Gold, is today
bleeding Liberia.
[69]
The resource thefts from DRC
occurred amidst slavery, crimes against humanity, and genocide committed under
the direct oversight of Presidents Paul Kagame and Yoweri Museveni, their
generals James Kabarebe, James Kazini, Charles Kayonga, and Museveni’s
half-brother Salim Saleh. Israel’s Verona Commodities reportedly brokered arms
shipments to Rwanda, but weapons are routed to the killing fields of Darfur,
Congo, Uganda, Ethiopia and Somalia through a vast array of companies and
countries, including Israel, U.S., Canada and the U.K. As everywhere, weapons
destabilize and depopulate: as of March 2007, landmines and unexploded ordinance
remained heavily concentrated in Congo, maiming innocent people. While the
system has seen various facelifts, little has changed. Diamonds out of DRC today
continue to fuel warfare beyond the DRC’s borders, while Congolese artisans
suffer under an average life expectancy of about 42 years.
At the Antwerp Diamond Conference
in November 2003, Bill Clinton praised the Kimberley Process for breaking the
link between diamonds and brutal African wars. This was reminiscent of his
disingenuous speech (1998) about “the failure of the U.S. to stop genocide” in
Rwanda; Maurice Tempelsman spoke after Clinton.
[70]
Westerners concerned about the
Holocaust—and genocide in Darfur—will find in Africa many judicious applications
of the Nazi term
Lebensraum, or “living
space,” the concept of killing people off to clear land and acquire raw
materials.
The companies of Tony Buckingham
and partner Antonio Teixeira operate through subsidiaries and joint ventures.
One, DiamondWorks, counts Beny Steinmetz as a 50% shareholder. Through
subsidiary Branch Energy, DiamondWorks has perpetuated war in 11 African
countries,[71]
places like Equatorial Guinea, where the bloodbath is whitewashed by U.S.-based
Cassidy and Associates PR campaigns at some $120,000 a month.[72]
Dan Gertler’s Emaxon company “won” the Kasai Shield project over rivals De Beers
and Energem, a Buckingham-Teixeira diamond firm with J. P. Morgan as
shareholder. Social “unrest” in Kasai is a product of outside interventions, not
African tribalism.[73]
DRC’s rebel warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba is married to Lillian Teixeira, the
daughter of Antonio Teixeira.
Sandline International is the
follow-on to Executive Outcomes—the Soldiers-of-Fortune portrayed in
Blood Diamond.
Mercenaries Tony Buckingham and Tim Spicer were partners in Executive Outcomes,
and their Sandline has backed insurgencies in Africa. A Buckingham interest,
Heritage Oil & Gas, is reportedly tied to the Carlyle Group and part of a major
thrust to control oil and natural gas from the Red Sea, through Darfur, to the
Great Lakes of Africa.[74]
Heritage is pumping on the Uganda-DRC border and in Congo-Brazzaville, and
Buckingham interests have also worked in Angola and Sierra Leone.
[75]
The mining mafia of “Friends of
Bill Clinton”—criminal networks of offshore subsidiaries and joint ventures—are
run by international “financiers” like Max and Jean-Raymond Boulle, Robert
Friedland, and Michael McMurrough, and their companies operate in all the wrong
places: Burma, Angola, Sierra Leone, Congo, Papua New Guinea. America Mineral
Fields (AMF), renamed ADASTRA, partnered with AngloAmerican in DRC, and was
recently bought by First Quantum of Canada. The Rothchilds Group and Meryl Lynch
Bank are also involved. First Quantum directors are also directors of Tahera
Diamond, one of many start-up diamond firms plundering Canada’s northern
territories. Tahera’s directors include former Rothschild’s and current Lundin
Mining directors.[76]
Rothchilds’ diamond interests are linked with Holland’s ABN AMRO Bank, which
counts a British Lord, a Dutch Parliamentarian, and an advisor to the Harvard
Business School on its board. Jean-Raymond Boulle, Maurice Tempelsman, Walter
Kansteiner, Ed Royce (R) and Corporate Council on Africa members like
Halliburton, Boeing, Cargill and Freeport McMoran—these are the architects of
the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), America’s NAFTA for Africa.
Freeport McMoran directors include International Rescue Committee and CSIS
adviser Henry Kissinger. The AGOA destroys local markets, erects discriminatory
trade barriers, undermines local economies to enrich elites and impoverish the
masses—a.k.a. in the language of diamondthink, the AGOA promotes free-trade.
When Warner Brothers launched its
pre-release advertising of
Blood Diamond
in the fall of 2006, the diamond industry launched its pre-emptive strike.
CNN News and the
New York Times began peddling Canada as an “alternative” source for
“clean” diamonds. “When Mr. Walker, a medical student went shopping,” wrote the
NYT on 14 December 2006, “he knew it would be a ‘conscience issue’ for
his fiancée, he said. He bought a Canadian diamond with a certificate.”
The same NYT article
apologized for diamond polishing in India by promoting a notion of workers freed
from hunger and “because many Africans depend on diamonds for their livelihood,”
the NYT pontificated, “a boycott is not the answer.” This is NYT
columnist Nicholas Kristof’s happy, expedient theme: “the only thing worse than
exploitation—is no exploitation! Two cheers for sweatshops!”
[77]
Again and again we are blessed to find that the people responsible for causing
mayhem become the bearers of our salvation!
In South Africa, De Beers diamonds
are embedded in asbestos, and hundreds of thousands of miners have suffered
miserably or died from cancer, leukemia and silicosis over the decades of De
Beers operations. In India, where 90% of all diamonds are finely cut—for about
40 cents each, often by child slaves—cutters suffer and die of silicosis caused
by inhalation of gem dust. Diamonds from South Africa and India are officially
certified ‘clean’ and ‘safe’.[78]
“The most effective means of
helping communities is giving them a hand up, not a handout,” says De Beers’ PR
about the open pit mining spreading through Canada’s First Nations. “This is a
cornerstone of De Beers’ approach to social sustainability. The idea is to build
capacity, not dependency, in the communities with which the company interacts.”[79]
Alvin Fiddler, a leader of the
Nishnawbe Aski Nation in Canada’s boreal forest, rejects the spit-and-polish of
De Beers PR for what it is: conflict and strife, a
lot of spit rubbed into the wounds of his people. “The Nishnawbe Aski Nation
communities are among the poorest in the world, ranked 69th in the U.N.'s Human
Development Index, with the lowest life expectancy in Canada, the highest youth
suicide rates in the world, and an unemployment rate of more than 60 percent.
With diamonds on our lands our communities should be wealthy.”
[80]
De Beers’ program to clear-cut
boreal forest and open pit mine the Nishnawbe Aski Nation is not only ripping
apart the land; court battles, corruption and greed are tearing apart the
people. De Beers’ violated treaties and trespassed; helicopters and drill rigs
destroyed the spring goose hunt on which the community depends for winter food.
De Beers’ pumping out boreal swamps means salination and sludge spoiling the
Attawapiskat River fishing. Some 260,000 hectares of pristine Canadian
wildernesses will be devastated for diamonds.[81]
Northern Canada is seeing an explosion of diamond mining by unscrupulous firms
and offshore companies, with government complicity: another page in the ongoing
North American genocide.
“The diamond industry has failed
to deliver on its promises to combat blood diamonds,” says Corinna Gilfillan of
Global Witness, a non-government member of the Kimberley delegations,
“and instead has launched a PR campaign to undermine and convince the public
that blood diamonds are no longer a problem. Contrary to the industry's
misleading and disingenuous PR campaign, diamonds are still fuelling conflict
today.” [82]
But Global Witness (GW)
itself appears to be under the sway of De Beers and Tempelsman. GW
supports the Kimberley Process, approving the “legitimate government” stamping
of diamonds—and this only institutionalizes structural violence. It seems,
indeed, that Global Witness was used by the diamond industry: the
involvement of Global Witness in the Kimberley Process, and in Kennedy
School initiatives, likely benefits powerful factions seeking to leverage access
to the diamond cartel, or exclude challengers from it. GW’s
representatives attended the 2001 Kennedy School conference on conflict diamonds
and participated in the creation of the Kimberley Process, but they would not
respond to questions about Tempelsman’s relationship to the Harvard Conference
or the Kimberley Process.[83]
And Global Witness nowhere mentions or challenges Maurice Tempelsman. On
inspection it’s easy to see why: they can’t.
Big foundations have a keen
purpose. Sponsors of Global Witness include the National Endowment for
Democracy, Gleitsman Foundation, Open Society Institute, and the Tempelsman-friendly
USAID. George Soros’ OSI funds sprang out of currency speculation that
plundered Eastern European economies; Soros is an International Crises Group (ICG)
director, and an insider in Russian affairs. The Gleitsman Foundation supports
Harvard's Kennedy School.[84]
The National Endowment for
Democracy is more problematic: NED and its partners facilitate political
intervention in foreign countries. The NED’s core affiliate Center for
International Private Enterprise works, for example, with USAID in Afghanistan,
and is linked to Bechtel (Nexant). The NED’s core affiliate the National
Democratic Institute counts Maurice
Tempelsman and Madeleine Albright as directors. Richard Gephardt is on
the boards of NDI and NED, both of which funded Congo’s “historic national
elections” from 2004 to 2006, and have been funding the opposition MDC party in
Zimbabwe for years.
NED directors tied to
Tempelsman include: Howard Wolpe; Richard Holbrooke; and Morton Abramowitz.
Wolpe was Clinton’s Special Envoy to Africa’s Great Lakes Region, and director
of the “Africa and U.S. National Interests” project of the Ninetieth American
Assembly, where some 69 reps from elite military, intelligence and corporate
interests attended closed-door think-tank proceedings: Maurice Tempelsman funded
it.[85]
Holbrooke, Wolpe, Abramowitz, John Deutch (Rotberg connection) are “experts” for
the intelligence consulting firm, Intellibridge, founded by Tempelsman’s
confidante Anthony Lake. Wolpe is on the board of Africare,
and so is Joseph Kennedy. Holbrooke is President/CEO of the Global Business
Council on AIDS, whose director Mark Moody Stuart is a director of
Anglo-American mining and former director of Royal/Dutch Shell (ret. 2005).
Holbrooke and Tempelsman are on the board of the Africa-America Institute, along
with former USAID official Gayle Smith, Clinton’s National Security negotiator
for Rwanda and Uganda, member of the CFR and the Corporate Council on Africa,
whose Chair is Maurice Tempelsman.[86]
Global Witness
is not a serious threat to extractive industries, and that is why GW
was advertised in the film
Blood Diamond. The message is “don’t you
worry about blood diamonds (or big oil): Global Witness
is on it.” In fact, like the big foundations that fund them, GW
plays an important role as a shaper of public policy. But can they be effective,
given their sources of income? “The blood diamonds campaign by Global
Witness has protected De Beers, and it has
had De Beers’ full support publicly,” says blood diamond expert Janine Roberts.
“Although privately GW has been
very critical of De Beers, they are not critical publicly.”
After reviewing the above
critique, Global Witness removed the National Endowment for Democracy from the
“Our Funders” section on their web site (NED remains listed in their Annual
Reports).
All
evidence suggests that the diamond industry has no intention of substantive
change. Indeed, in June 2002, as the Kimberley Process was unfolding in earnest,
Daniel Horowitz, CEO of IDH Diamonds, gave a speech at the 3rd World
Diamond Conference which reveals what the industry is trying so desperately to
hide. A diamond distributor for the powerful Rio Tinto mining group, IDH works
with Endiama, BHP-Billiton, De Beers and others. The speech was titled “Rough
Diamonds in a Brave New World.”
[87]
“Ladies and gentlemen, it would be
irresponsible to circumvent the fact that it is highly problematic, if not
unfeasible, to work out a system in order to control the flow of rough diamonds
around the world. The reality is that once diamonds are mined there is almost
nothing one can do in order to prevent them from reaching the market. No
certification scheme can truly be reliable, not only because war-torn areas are
by definition disorganized, but mainly because it is intrinsically impossible to
distinguish between good and bad diamonds. Misguiding traders and consumers with
untrustworthy guarantees would inevitably be demystified over time.”
“As opposed to this, it is
critical to publicize that the mainstream diamond trade is legitimate. It needs
to be said again and again that conflict diamonds are an irrelevant portion of
world production. And as far as humanitarian issues are concerned, the added
value the industry generates worldwide particularly benefits the developing
world.” [88]
Daniel Horowitz mapped out the
public relations strategy now in play. Instead of addressing the structural
factors that create and perpetuate misery in those far off places, the industry
chose—as corporations and governments routinely do—to spend millions of its
profits to manage public perceptions. Because the origins of no diamond can be
traced or documented, as Horowitz confirmed, any diamond—from Liberia or Congo
or Botswana or First Nations—can be rubber-stamped with a falsified certificate
of origin: CANADA.
Blood
Diamond was no exposé
on the glitter and greed of capitalism. It was a necessary part of a
massive PR campaign to manage public perceptions, displace competitors edging in
on the big diamond cartels, and make a lot of money. Indeed, just as the blood
diamond campaign was grinding into high gear the “rebel” diamond mafias were
expediently linked to Al Qaeda: the media fanned the frenzy, saturating
consumers with baseless stories about Islamic terrorists dealing in dirty
diamonds. The big mining syndicates were the winners.
Health care, education, and
development for “emerging” nations—such blanket claims have for years emanated
from the “good governance” and “social responsibility” departments of all
extractive industries. Full-page New York Times ads cost some $75,000 for
a single appearance, $127,000 for a two-page spread. The reality is that more
money is pumped into advertising diamonds as “clean” and “conflict-free” than is
spent on development in Africa’s diamond zones. And there is not a single
example of De Beers legitimately “building capacity” anywhere in the world, no
matter what the New York Times tells us.
“The Kimberley Process put in
place in 2003 has prevented diamonds from fueling conflicts and financing
terrorist networks,” announced the New York Times in their shameful cover
story of 27 March 2007. Headlined DIAMONDS MOVE FROM BLOOD TO SWEAT AND TEARS,
the front page story jumps to page eight—with six ads for Tiffany and Cartier
between and a $75,000 Tiffany ad after—wherein it says: “Some countries like
Botswana have been able to make their [diamond] deposits a source of wealth,
through careful management and control.”
Careful management and control:
remember the Bushmen and their “places of death?”
Even if the diamond industry did
change—more than cosmetically—there are still all those millions of blood
diamonds locked in the vaults of the diamond bourses to insure the artificially
high, monopoly-fixed, prices of diamonds, our otherwise worthless rocks
of desire. These little rocks, greedily hoarded over the past decades, are
tainted, hexed, cursed with bad karma.
Walk into a diamond retailer and
ask about blood diamonds and you will be told, with a nervous laugh, and an
audacious lie, “well, that’s all been cleaned up.” Because Canadian diamonds are
conflict free, all diamonds are conflict-free. Look down at your new diamond and
think of your relationship, and love, and happiness ever after, just like
someone else did—when they found your diamond in Africa.
~
[1] World
Diamond Council, “Diamond Facts Sheet,”
http://diamondfacts.org ; see also:
http://www.diamondinformationcenter.com [2] Mireya Navarro, “Diamonds are for Never?” New York Times, 14 December 2006: p. E1
[3] Rafael Marques-2006: Operation Kissonde: The Diamonds of Humiliation and Misery, http://www.cuango.net/kissonde/texto/KissondeING.pdf , http://www.cuango.net/kissonde/default_I.htm
[4] Rafael Marques, Operation Kissonde: The Diamonds of Humiliation and Misery, 2006, http://www.cuango.net/kissonde/default_I.htm , http://www.cuango.net/kissonde/texto/KissondeING.pdf .
[5] Forbes Magazine, 15 September 2003.
[6] Christian Dietrich, “Blood Diamonds: Effective African-Based Monopolies,” African Security Review, Vol. 10, No 3, 2001, http://www.iss.co.za/ASR/10No3/Dietrich.html
[7] Lesley Moyo, “Operation Chikorokoza violating human rights,” Zim Independent http://www.zimbabwesituation.com/dec15b_2006.html ; and “Zimbabwe: Police Curb Gold Smuggling,” The Herald (Harare), 17 January 2007, http://www.AllAfrica.com .
[8] Jeanette Goldman, “Zimbabwe Arrests + 16,000 Illegal Miners,” Rapaport News, 28 December 2006, http://www.diamonds.net/news/NewsItem.aspx?ArticleID=16402 , and “Zimbabwe: Police Curb Gold Smuggling,” The Herald (Harare), 17 January 2007, http://www.AllAfrica.com .
[9] keith harmon snow, “The Great Betrayal: Mugabe’s Gang and Genocide in Zimbabwe,” All Things Pass, http://www.allthingspass.com ; and Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace: A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands, 1980-1988, Legal Resources Foundation, Harare, Zimbabwe, 1997.
[10] “DRC/Zimbabwe: The British Connection,” Africa Confidential, Vol. 43, No. 21: p. 3; Probe into BAE Arms Deals Widens,” BBC, 19 October 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/low/business/6065352.stm .
[11] Rodrick Mukumbira, “Zimbabwe faces diamond export blacklist,” Mineweb, 8 January 2007, http://www.mineweb.net/gems/561238.htm
[12] “The Bushmen and conflict diamonds,” Survival International, http://www.survival-international.org/related_material.php?id=512
[13] Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Edwin Mellen Press, 1999: p. 258.
[14] Larry Swatuk, “Botswana: What Clinton Didn’t See,” Southern Africa Report, Vol. 13, No. 3, May 1998, http://www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=3799
[15] Janine Roberts, Glitter and Greed: The Secret World of the Diamond Cartel, Disinformation Collective, 2003: p. 81.
[16] Jeff Miller and Jeanette Goldman, “Bushmen Win,” Rapaport News, 13 December 2006 http://www.diamonds.net/news/NewsItem.aspx?ArticleID=16300
[17] “The Bushmen and conflict diamonds,” Survival International, http://www.survival-international.org/related_material.php?id=512
[18] Janine Roberts, Glitter and Greed: The Secret World of the Diamond Cartel, Disinformation, 2003: pp. 177-185; David Gibbs, The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Mines, Money and U.S. Policy in the Congo Crises, University of Chicago Press, 1991; Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Edwin Mellen Press, 1999.
[19] Janine Roberts, Glitter and Greed: The Secret World of the Diamond Cartel, Disinformation Collective, 2003: pp. 177-185.
[20] See e.g., David Gibbs, The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Money, Mines and U.S. Foreign Policy in the Congo Crises, University of Arizona Press, 1993; Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Mellen Press, 1999; and Janine Roberts, Covert Action in Africa, A Smoking Gun in Washington, Special Congressional Hearing on Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, April 2001, at www.allthingspass.com and www.minesandcommunities.org/company/diamonds1.htm
[21] “Diamond Poker,” Africa Confidential, Vol. 43, No. 25, 20 December 2002.
[22] See: “Deep Sea Mining: A Canadian Quest for the South Pacific’s Pot of Gold,” CBC News, June 25, 2007, http://www.cbc.ca/news/background/mining “SA engineers lead technology for global deep-sea diamond recovery,” Mining Weekly, July 20, 2007, http://www.miningweekly.co.za/article.php?a_id=112734
[23] On Tempelsman see: The Africa Journal, Winter 2006, Corporate Council on Africa, http://www.africacncl.org/AfricaJournal/AJ_Winter_2006.pdf
[24] Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Edwin Mellen Press, 1999: p. 92-93.
[25] “Mogae Invites U.S. Investors,” Botswana Press Agency, 27 April 1999 http://www.gov.bw/cgi-bin/news.cgi?d=19990427
[26] http://www.africacncl.org/(u3drto55gzc20q55crqn2s55)/About_CCA/members.asp
[27] “The Smoking Gun,” American Jewish Congress, January 2007, http://www.ajcongress.org
[28] Rafael Marques-2006: Operation Kissonde: The Diamonds of Humiliation and Misery, http://www.cuango.net/kissonde/texto/KissondeING.pdf , http://www.cuango.net/kissonde/default_I.htm
[29] Medecins Sans Frontieres, Access to Healthcare, Mortality and Violence in Democratic Republic of Congo: results of five epidemiological surveys, March to May 2005, p. 57.
[30] Eastern Congo, Monthly Update, Enough!, March/April 2007.
[31] Tamm, Ingrid J., Diamonds in Peace and War: Severing the Conflict-Diamond Connection. Cambridge, MA: World Peace Foundation, March 2002.
[32] http://bcsia.ksg.harvard.edu/publication.cfm?program=ICP&ctype=book&item_id=88
[33] HAI: http://www.aids.harvard.edu/collaborations/external4.html#Anchor-United-58521
[34] See, e.g., : http://minerals.usgs.gov/mnerals/pubs/commodity/diamonds/diamomcs06.pdf and Janine Roberts, Glitter and Greed: The Secret World of the Diamond Cartel, Disinformation Collective, 2003: pp. 177-185.
[35] Telephone interview, February 2007.
[36] Press release, Botswana San Bushmen Launch Ecotourism Project, Conservation International, 2 April 2003.
[37] See e.g., Corporate Knights, http://www.corporateknights.ca/content/page.asp?name=OECDmatrix
[38] E.g. http://www.scowcroft.com/html/staff/kansteiner.html ; http://www.csis.org/about/trustees
[39] http://www.dyn-intl.com/subpage.aspx?id=12
[40] Douglas Valentine, The Pheonix Program, iUniverse.com , 1990, 2000.
[41] Samantha Power, A Problem from Hell: America in the Age of Genocide, 2002.
[42] Israel and Africa: Assessing the Past, Envisioning the Future, The Africa Institute American Jewish Committee and The Harold Hartog School Tel Aviv University, May 2006.
[43] Jimmy Johnson, "Israelis and Hezbollah Haven’t Always Been Enemies," Appearing in Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions USA, 6 September 2006, http://72.14.253.104/search?q=cache:pYAbqkMgTJ4J:www.icahdusa.org/2006/09/06/israelis-and-hezbollah-haven%E2%80%99t-always-been-enemies/+%22hezbollah%22+%22congo%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=15
[44] Report of the Panel of Experts Appointed Pursuant to UN Security Council Resolution 1306 (2000), Paragraph 19 , in Relation to Sierra Leone, December 2000, http://www.sierra-leone.org/panelreport-I.html
[45] Amnesty International, "Diamonds Cost Lives," October 2001, http://209.85.165.104/search?q=cache:j5kHMs2zytQJ:web.amnesty.org/wire/October2002/DRC+%22amnesty+international%22+%22MIBA%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=1
[46] "Diamond miners killed in DR Congo," BBC News, 7 August 2006, http://209.85.165.104/search?q=cache:z9WCcOGeL8MJ:news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5254006.stm+%22MIBA%22+%22illegal+miners%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=4
[47] Nicole Gaouette, "Inside Israel's diamond trade: a family affair," Christian Science Monitor, 21 February 2002, http://www.boycottisraeligoods.org/modules6437.php
[48] Christian Dietrich, Blood Diamonds: Effective African-Based Monopolies, African Security Review, Vol. 10, No 3., 2001, http://www.iss.co.za/ASR/10No3/Dietrich.html
[49] David Barouski, "Update on the Congo," Znet Africa, 25 July 2006, http://209.85.165.104/search?q=cache:urOOqoAYFPQJ:www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm%3FItemID%3D10638+%22Nikanor%22+%22gertler%22+%22kabila%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=2
[50] David Barouski, “Update on the Congo,” Z-Net Africa, 25 July 2006, http://209.85.165.104/search?q=cache:urOOqoAYFPQJ:www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm%3FItemID%3D10638+%22Nikanor%22+%22gertler%22+%22kabila%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=2
[51] Yitzhak Danon, “Top Israelis accused of illegal diamond deals: Israel: Lawsuit claims corruption in Congo diamonds for arms deal,” Globes (Israel), 18 February 2004, http://www.minesandcommunities.org/Action/press269.htm
[52] See: Barry Sergeant, “Nikanor’s Quandry: Meet Dan the Man, King of the Congo,” MoneyWeb, 4 April 2007, http://www.moneyweb.co.za/mw/view/mw/en/page1329?oid=84351&sn=Detail ; “Congo Kinshasa: After the Election" Africa Confidential, Vol. 47, No. 23, 17 Nov. 2006; and United Nations Security Council Report to the Secretary General, S/2003/1027, 23 October 2003.
[53] Note that Phelps Dodge director Jack Thompson was Vice-Chairman of the Bush-connected Barrick Gold from 2001-2005; a U.S. Embassy official based in DRC during the war has recently become the V.P. of operations for Phelps Dodge—partnered with Bush affiliate Adolph Lundin—at the Tenke Fungarume mines in Katanga. Adolph Lundin companies in African hot spots include Tenke Mining (DRC), Lundin Oil and Talisman Oil (Sudan). Barrick partnered with AngloGold-Ashanti to hide their involvement in the killing fields of Ituri, DRC. One AngloAshanti director is Jerry John Rawlings, the U.S. military’s former autocratic ruler of Ghana.
[54] “Diamond in the Rough,” 24 March 2005, http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/objects/pages/PrintArticleEn.jhtml?itemNo=556546%20
[55] Nicole Gaouette, “Inside Israel's diamond trade: a family affair,” Christian Science Monitor, 21 February 2002, http://www.boycottisraeligoods.org/modules6437.php
[56] Nicole Gaouette, “Inside Israel's diamond trade: a family affair,” Christian Science Monitor, 21 February 2002, http://www.boycottisraeligoods.org/modules6437.php
[57] www.secinfo.com/d14sr8.z9Be.htm ; http://www.secinfo.com/dsVsf.u2tv.htm#4nea
[58] Chaim Evan-Zohar, “The Millenium Star,” diamond.com, http://famousdiamonds.tripod.com/millenniumstardiamond.html
[59] Chaim Evan-Zohar, “The Millenium Star,” diamond.com, http://famousdiamonds.tripod.com/millenniumstardiamond.html
[60] One of the world’s richest people: http://www.forbes.com/lists/2006/10/QXNL.html
[61] BHP-Billiton director Don Argus is a director of the New York Stock Exchange; director Paul Anderson sits on the U.S. President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology; director Carlos Cordeiro is an executive with Goldman Sachs investment bank, another diamonds interest.
[62] keith harmon snow and David Barouski, “Behind the Numbers, Suffering in Congo,” Z Magazine, July 2006.
[63] “Kampala Diamond Exports Triple, Says UN Congo Report,” Monitor Newspaper (Kampala), 22 November 2001.
[64] Blake Lambert, “Reversing history, Uganda warms to Israel,” Jewish News Weekly of Northern California, August 13, 2004, http://209.85.165.104/search?q=cache:5hNB1QZSZjEJ:www.jewishsf.com/content/2-0-/module/displaystory/story_id/23230/edition_id/463/format/html/displaystory.html+%22Israel%22+%22Uganda%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=100
[65] David Isenberg, “Security for Sale,” Asia Times, 14 August 2003 http://www.sandline.com/hotlinks/security_for_sale.html ; and George Berghezan, “Transfers of Weapons Towards the Actors Involved in the Conflict in DRC,” Arua Conference, February 2003, http://www.passievoorvrede.nl/upload/afcongo/030202_Congo_report_Berghezan.pdf
[66] “Ugandan pilots begin flying MiG fighter jets,” Xinhua, 21 March 2001, http://209.85.165.104/search?q=cache:8kdqHZov5MIJ:www.iss.co.za/Af/profiles/Uganda/SecInfo.html+%22Israel%22+%22Uganda%22+%22MILITARY+TRAINING%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=29
[67] Douglas Farah, “Report Says Africans Harbored Al Qaeda,” Washington Post, 29 Dec. 29, 2002: p. A01.
[68] Final Report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, United Nations, S/2002/1146, 16 October 2002.
[69] Conrad Goeringer, Ed., “One of Pat Robertson's Latest Frauds,” AANEWS and American Atheists, http://www.skeptictank.org/robem2.htm ; see also: Ju-Lan Kim, "Diamonds are Pat Robertson’s Best Friend," Sullivan County, http://www.sullivan-county.com/news/pat_quotes/diamonds.html
[70] Robert Weldon, “Clinton Praises Kimberley Progress at Antwerp Diamond Conference,” 7 November 2003, http://www.professionaljeweler.com/archives/news/2003/110803story.html
[71] “Africa/Diamonds: Rough diamonds,” Africa Confidential, 5 March 2004, Vol. 45, No. 5.
[72] “Equatorial Guinea: All Theft is Property,” Africa Confidential, 17 Nov. 2006, Vol. 47, No. 23: p. 12.
[73] “Congo-Kinshasa: Full Circle,” Africa Confidential, 5 August 2005, Vol. 46, No. 16.
[74] Private interview, Dem. Rep. of Congo, 17 February 2007; see also the following report: Heritage Oil Corporation, eResearch, April 24, 2006.
[75] See Tullow, Hardman and Heritage Oil Concessions Maps, http://www.allthingspass.com/journalism.php?catid=49 ; also: Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Edwin Mellen Press, 1999.
[76] See note 48 and Tahera, http://www.tahera.com/Company/Governance/BoardofDirectors/default.aspx
[77] Nicholas Kristof, “Two Cheers for Sweatshops,” New York Times, 24 September 2006.
[78] Janine Roberts, “The Real Blood Diamonds: TB, Silicosis, Asbestosis and De Beers,” forward, Second Edition, 2007, Glitter and Greed, published by Disinfo, Inc. NY, NY.
[79] “Attawapiskat,” http://www.DeBeerscanada.com/files_2/pdf_documents/attawapiskat_article_031804.pdf .
[80] Alvin Fiddler: “Canada's Blood Diamonds? What De Beers and the Canadian Governments Are Doing To Aboriginal Communities and the Environment in Canada’s Boreal Forest,” CBC News, 8 December 2006,
http://knews.knet.ca/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=2361
[81] Joan Delaney, “Canadian Diamonds Not Conflict-Free: Many issues to be addressed, says First Nations leader,” Epoch Times Victoria, 15 December 2006, http://en.epochtimes.com/news/6-12-15/49359.html
[82] Email communication, Corinna Gilfillan, Global Witness, 26 January 2007, http://www.blooddiamondaction.org
[83] Email communication, Alex Yearsley, Global Witness, 21 February 2007, http://www.blooddiamondaction.org
[84] http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/leadership
[85] http://www.americanassembly.org/programs.dir/prog_display_ind_pg.php?this_filename_prefix=africa_us$this_ind_prog_pg_filename=report ; also funded by International Paper, partner to the WFP.
[86] See: http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Africa-America_Institute
[87] Daniel Horowitz, “Rough Diamonds in a Brave New World,” Speech at the 3rd World Diamond Conference, Vancouver, 18 June 2002, http://www.idhdiamonds.com/news/article.php3?id_article=1#conflict
[88] Daniel Horowitz, Rough Diamonds in a Brave New World,” Speech at the 3rd World Diamond Conference, Vancouver, 18 June 2002, http://www.idhdiamonds.com/news/article.php3?id_article=1#conflict
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