[1]
Hijackers
WhoWhatWhy has found evidence linking the Saudi royal family
to Saudis in South Florida who reportedly had direct contact with the
9/11 hijackers before fleeing the United States just prior to the
attacks. Our report connects some of the dots first laid out by
investigative author Anthony Summers and Florida-based journalist Dan
Christensen in articles jointly published in the
Miami Herald and on the nonprofit news site
BrowardBulldog.org [2].
In early September of this year, Summers and Christensen reported
that a secret FBI probe, never shared with Congressional investigators
or the presidential 9/11 commission, had uncovered information
indicating the possibility of support for the hijackers from previously
unknown confederates in the United States during 2001.
Now
WhoWhatWhy reveals that those alleged confederates were closely tied to influential members of the Saudi ruling elite.
[3]
The House
As reported in the
Herald, phone records documented
communication, dating back more than a year, that connected a Saudi
family then living in a house near Sarasota, Florida, with the alleged
plot leader, Mohammed Atta, and his hijack pilots—as well as to eleven
of the other hijackers. In addition, records from the guard house at the
gated community tied Atta’s vehicle and his accomplice Ziad Jarrah to
actual visits to the house. Although requiring further investigation,
this information suggests that the house may have functioned as an
operational base for the hijackers.
According to interviews and records examined by
The Herald,
Anoud and Abdulazzi al-Hiijjii and their young twins abruptly departed
their home in Sarasota only days before September 11, 2001 and traveled
to Arlington, Virginia, where they stayed briefly at another house owned
by Anoud’s father, Esam Ghazzawi.
Then, still well before 9/11, the entire group, now including the
father, flew to London and on to Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. The Sarasota
house was sold in 2003, as was a
penthouse apartment [4] in another DC, suburb, Rosslyn, Virginia. The Ghazzawis do not seem to have set foot again in the United States.
New Revelations
Building on these revelations, WhoWhatWhy has found documents laying
out the Ghazzawis’ royal connections through a nest of Saudi
corporations that share the name EIRAD. Esam Ghazzawi is director of
EIRAD Management Company, the UK division of EIRAD Trading and
Contracting Co. Ltd., which among other things holds the Saudi franchise
for many multinational brands, including UPS. Esam’s brother Mamdouh,
whose name shows up on public records associated with family properties
in the U.S., is the Executive Managing Director of the parent firm,
EIRAD Holding Co. Ltd. EIRAD has connections to the US government via
contracts. In 2008, records show, the State Department
paid EIRAD $11,733 [5] for rental of facilities, presumably in Saudi Arabia.
There is no indication that the company itself, or any of its
officers or employees, have any connection to the 9/11 incident, or
knowledge of anything regarding Mr. Ghazzawi’s activities in the United
States. Calls for comment to the company’s main switchboard went
unanswered during normal business hours; its website was not functioning
properly and Saudi trade officials in the United States had not
furnished alternative contact information at publication time.
But the now-revealed link between the Ghazzawis and the highest ranks
of the Saudi establishment reopens questions about the White House’s
controversial approval for multiple charter flights allowing Saudi
nationals to depart the U.S., beginning about 48 hours after the
attacks, without the passengers being interviewed by law
enforcement—despite the identification of the majority of the hijackers
as Saudis.
In addition, the new revelations draw further attention to a web of
relationships that include the long and close business, personal and
political ties between the Bush family and the Saudi royal family.
Saudi money is woven throughout business ventures connected to the
Bushes. Saudi funds even helped bail out George W. Bush’s failing oil
company early in his life. Jim Bath, a close friend of Bush in the Texas
Air National Guard, went on to start a business in conjunction with two
sons of powerful Saudi families—Khalid bin Mahfouz, whose family
provides banking services to the Saudi royals, and Salem bin Laden, heir
to the bin Laden family’s global construction empire and a half brother
to Osama bin Laden. (For a detailed probe of the Bush family’s dealings
with the Saudis, including substantial previously unreported material,
see my book,
Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years. [6])
Details of The Herald’s Revelations
The Ghazzawi presence in the Sunshine State predated 9/11 by at least
six years. In 1995 a young Saudi woman named Anoud Ghazzawi living in
South Florida married a fellow Saudi native, Abdulazzi al-Hiijjii
(English spellings of his first name and surname vary, as is typical of
Arabic names
.) Anoud’s father, Esam, and his
American-born wife Deborah bought the couple a stylish, three-bedroom
house in a gated community in Sarasota. The house remained in the elder
Ghazzawis’ names while the young couple lived there and began a family.
Six years later, less than two weeks before the 9/11 attacks, Anoud,
Abdulazzi and their children left their home on or about August 30, 2001
in great haste, taking off in a white van. This was about the same time
that the hijackers were purchasing their tickets for the targeted
flights.
The family apparently left with no advance planning, leaving behind
almost all their possessions, abandoning three recently registered
vehicles, including a brand-new Chrysler PT Cruiser, in the garage and
driveway. As the
Herald article [7] explained:
“there was mail on the table, dirty diapers in one of the
bathrooms … all the toiletries still in place … all their clothes
hanging in the closet … opulent furniture, equal or greater in value
than the house … the pool running, with toys in it….The beds were made …
fruit on the counter … the refrigerator full of food. … It was like
they went grocery shopping. Like they went out to a movie … [But] the
safe was open in the master bedroom, with nothing in it, not a paper
clip. … A computer was still there. A computer plug in another room, and
the line still there. Looked like they’d taken [another] computer and
left the cord.”
After public disclosure of Saudi involvement in the 9/11 attacks,
people in the gated community took note of the rushed departure and
disappearance of the Ghazzawi-al-Hiijjiis. After all, the attackers were
not just overwhelmingly of Saudi nationality, but three out of four of
the future hijackers had lived and trained to fly in Venice, Florida,
just 10 miles away from the house.
The complex’s security officer alerted the FBI, which began an
investigation into the house at 4224 Escondito Circle. (In addition, a
suspicious neighbor alerted the FBI by email on the day of the attacks.)
The Justice Department declined to give the
Herald a
statement, but, according to an unnamed senior counterterrorism officer
who was one of two people who got into the house first and served as a
key source for the paper, the investigation bore stunning fruit.
[8]
Ziad Jarrah
Phone records showed communication, dating back more than a year,
that connected those in the house with the alleged plot leader, Mohammed
Atta and his accomplices, including eleven of the other hijackers.
Other records, kept by guards at the gated community, documented
numerous visits to the house by a vehicle known to have been used by
Atta, and indicated the physical presence in the car of Atta’s purported
accomplice Ziad Jarrah. It appeared as if the Ghazzawi house was some
kind of nerve center for the entire operation.
According to the senior counterterrorism officer, both Esam Ghazzawi
and his son-in-law al-Hiijjii had been on a watch list at the FBI
predating 9/11. An unnamed U.S. agency tracking terror funds had also
taken an interest in them. “464 was Ghazzawi’s number,” the officer
said. “I don’t remember the other man’s number.”
Continue to Page 2 of 3 [9]
WhoWhatWhy plans to continue doing this kind of
groundbreaking original reporting. You can count on it. But can we count
on you? We cannot do our work without your support.
Please click here to donate [10]; it’s tax deductible. And it packs a punch.
Secrecy Reveals Little Official Curiosity—or Coverup?
These stunning revelations—said to be based on the work of the swarm
of FBI agents who descended on the gated community in the fall of
2001—would surely have generated headlines worldwide if they had become
known after 9/11. But the FBI, for reasons unknown, failed to provide
the information to Congressional 9/11 investigators or to the
presidential 9/11 commission, and thus it has remained a secret for the
past decade.
In response to the
Herald article, the FBI has issued a
statement [11]
saying that the occupants of the house had been tracked down and
interrogated, and were found to have no connections to the hijackers. It
is not clear when these interrogations are supposed to have taken
place, or whether they were conducted by the FBI or by Saudi
intelligence. But given the FBI’s poor track record for candor in the
matter, the statement is being viewed with some skepticism.
[12]
Inside the House
Adding to these doubts is an ineffective effort by the Bureau to woo
the house owners back to Florida. According to Scott McKay, a lawyer for
homeowners’ association of the gated community, known as Prestancia,
the FBI attempted to convince the Ghazzawis they needed to come back in
person to sign documents related to unpaid back dues to the association.
This attempt proved unsuccessful when the Ghazzawis simply arranged to
sign the documents elsewhere. These facts, reported by
The Herald,
raise questions about the U.S. government’s determination to interview
the couple: Esam Ghazzawi’s signature was notarized in Lebanon—by a U.S.
official no less—the vice consul at the US embassy in Beirut. His
wife’s signature was also notarized—
elsewhere in the United States, in Riverside County, California.
The emergence of this information chagrined Bob Graham, the former
Florida U.S. Senator. Graham was Senate Intelligence Committee chair
(and a 2004 candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination) and
served as co-chair of the congressional joint inquiry into 9/11. “At the
beginning of the investigation,” he told
The Herald, “each of
the intelligence agencies, including the FBI, was asked to provide all
information that agency possessed in relation to 9/11.” Graham noted
that the Bureau also failed to turn over information connecting the
hijackers to other Saudis living in California, which his own
investigators later discovered on their own.
Just as strange, when Graham’s congressional investigators turned
over a large body of information on the hijackers they had assembled to
the presidential 9/11 Commission, it seemed uninterested. “They did very
little with it,” Graham said, “and their reference to Saudi Arabia is
almost cryptic sometimes. … I never got a good answer as to why they did
not pursue that.”
About the new discovery in Sarasota, Graham said it “opens the door
to a new chapter of investigation as to the depth of the Saudi role in
9/11.”
All Eyes on Prince Sultan
Of special interest is the Ghazzawis’ boss, the chairman of EIRAD Holding Co. Ltd.,
Prince Sultan bin Salman bin Abdul Aziz Al-Saud [13].
He is a prominent and powerful member of the ruling Saudi royal family
who is expected to become crown prince, and thereby in line to become
king. Born in 1956, which makes him approximately the same age as the
Ghazzawi brothers, Prince Sultan bin Salman is a grandson of King Abdul
Aziz (commonly referred to as Ibn Saud), founder of modern Saudi Arabia.
[1] [14]
1.
Saudi lineages are complicated due to men being named for their
ancestors. For example, Prince Sultan (Prince Sultan bin Salman) should
not be confused with his uncle, also known as Prince Sultan (Prince
Sultan bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud), who is Defense Minister and Crown
Prince, or his late cousin Prince Sultan bin Faisal.
Prince Sultan’s family is of enormous
importance in today’s Saudi Arabia. His father, Prince Salman, has been
the governor of the province of Riyadh (the city of Riyadh is the Saudi
capital) since 1962, and is considered an arbitrator among the
frequently warring members of the Saudi royal family, with its 4000
princes. Salman is the second youngest of the so-called Sudairi Seven,
an extremely powerful alliance of full brothers jockeying for power in
the country.
[15]
Prince Sultan bin Salman
A leading advocate of teaching Saudis to fly, Prince Sultan is the
founder and Chairman of the Board of the Saudi Aviation Club, and
Chairman of the
King Khaled International Airport [16] (KKIA) Supervisory Committee. Since 2000, he has also headed
Saudi Arabia’s tourism commission [17],
placing him among a handful of the King’s grandsons to hold ministerial
rank. One of his missions as head of the tourism commission is to
repair the damage to Saudi Arabia’s image caused by the 9/11 attacks.
In a
document [18]
released by Wikileaks, the U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, James B.
Smith, characterizes Prince Sultan this way: “With a powerful father
who is the Governor of Riyadh and a strong candidate to be the next
crown-prince, Sultan is well positioned to move up the Saudi government
ranks… Sultan has visited almost every state [in the U.S.]. He joked
with the Ambassador that ‘perhaps the only states he has not yet visited
are the Dakotas.’ ” (He is extra well connected, with one brother
serving as the deputy oil minister)
Prince Sultan is closely allied with Prince Bandar bin Sultan bin
Abdul-Aziz Al Saud, the former longtime ambassador to the United States,
who is often called “Bandar Bush” for his friendly relationship with
the Bush family. Sultan and Bandar have worked together for years to
promote Saudi interest in aviation.
The Bushes and the Royals
The Bush family have long been regarded as friendly with the prince’s
family and their associates. Prince Sultan’s NASA mission is perceived
as having been
orchestrated [19]
by George HW Bush as a favor to the Saudis. Associates of the Bush
family have many connections with the Prince’s family. Prince Sultan’s
father’s legal counsel is William Jeffress Jr, of Houston-based
Baker Botts LLP [20],
where James A. Baker III, longstanding advisor to the Bush family,
including both Presidents Bush, is a senior partner. At the time of the
9/11 attacks, Baker held the post of Senior Counselor for the
Carlyle Group [21], a global asset management firm which is heavily invested in military contracting stocks [22];
among Carlyle’s large investors were the bin Ladens. (In a curious
coincidence, Baker watched the live television coverage of the attacks
from the
Ritz-Carlton Hotel [23] in Washington, where he and representatives of
Osama bin Laden [24]‘s extended
family [25]
were attending the Carlyle Group’s annual conference. In another odd
coincidence, President George W. Bush himself was in Sarasota, reading
to schoolchildren, at the very time the Sarasota-area-based terrorists
were hijacking the planes. Indeed, he was a short distance from the home
the Ghazzawis had recently abandoned.)
President Bush’s actions in the aftermath of the World Trade Center
and Pentagon assaults with regard to the Saudi royal family have long
been known but have yet to be fully explored. Shortly after the attacks,
President Bush permitted an exception to the ban on air traffic so that
planes could take prominent Saudis out of the country. One of those
leaving on the flights was the late Prince Ahmed bin Salman, brother of
Prince Sultan.
In a 2004
letter [26] to the
New York Times, Prince
Sultan responded to allegations surrounding those flights, and pointed
to a conclusion in the 9/11 commission report: ”Our own independent
review of the Saudi nationals involved confirms that no one with known
links to terrorism departed on these flights.” (Another Saudi who left
the US after 9/11 was the architect Abdel
Wahed El-Wakil, [27] who had a base in Miami and serves as an advisor to Prince Sultan.)
Allegations of Saudi Royal Complicity
[28]
Prince Ahmed with his horse
Sultan’s brother Prince Ahmed was the most westernized of the Saudi
set. He raised racehorses in Kentucky and was the owner of the 2001
Kentucky Derby winner, with the perhaps unfortunate name “War Emblem.”
Allegations concerning Prince Ahmed emerged in the 2003 book,
Why America Slept, by
the bestselling author Gerald Posner. Posner says that intelligence
sources told him how in March, 2002, under interrogation (but before he
was
waterboarded 83 times in August [29]),
Al Qaeda’s purported chief of operations, Abu Zubaydah, relaxed and
began cooperating. Tricked into thinking he was in Saudi custody,
Zubaydah asked his interrogators to call a senior member of the Saudi
Royal family, who he said was his contact. He provided, from memory, the
man’s private home and cell phones. This contact, according to Posner,
was Prince Ahmed.
Zubaydah is alleged to have said that Osama bin Laden had cut a deal
with a top Pakistani military official, Air Marshal Mushaf Ali Mir, who
was close to Islamist elements in Pakistani intelligence. According to
this account, the Saudi intelligence chief, Prince Turki, signed off on
this, and agreed to provide aid to the Taliban in Afghanistan and not to
go after Al Qaeda so long as the terrorist group kept its gun sights
trained away from the Saudi royals.
In this version of events, Zubaydah is said to have also implicated
Prince Sultan, along with another cousin, Prince Fahd bin Turki bin Saud
al-Kabir, as Al Qaeda backers, and to have claimed that the Pakistani
Air Marshal Mushaf Ali Mir and Saudi Prince Ahmed knew in advance about
the 9/11 attacks.
Though the interrogators were skeptical of these claims, Zubaydah
often proved credible. Information he provided led to the capture of a
senior al-Qaeda operative in Southeast Asia. Zubaydah would only talk
when he thought he was in Saudi hands. When U.S. personnel, no longer
posing as Saudis, confronted him, Zubaydah said he had made up his
earlier statements. But investigators found no basis for believing the
information to be false—and even found material that corroborated his
claimed ties to high level Saudis. Not surprisingly, the Saudi and
Pakistani governments insisted his claims were false in all respects.
One of the key figures named by Zubaydah, Prince Turki, had been
removed from his position as Saudi intelligence chief on September 1,
2001, ten days before the attacks. Thus, he was apparently not in that
post on the critical day. Yet, his removal was a temporary absence
from the highest levels of Saudi leadership, and not necessarily an
indication that he had fallen into serious disfavor. The next year, he
was named Saudi ambassador to Great Britain, just as a shift in focus
from Al Qaeda to Iraq was being pitched to the British. If Zubaydah’s
claims are at all credible, the removal of Turki from an official
position shortly before the attacks surely warrants additional analysis—
as does the Ghazzawis’ hasty flight from the U.S. right in the same
time frame.
According to the book The Eleventh Day [30], by Summers and his co-author Robbyn Swan, Zubaydah is not alone in asserting a Saudi-Al Qaeda deal:
In sworn statements after 9/11, former Taliban
intelligence chief Mohammed Khaksar said that in 1998 Prince Turki,
chief of Saudi Arabia’s General Intelligence Department (G.I.D.), sealed
a deal under which bin Laden agreed not to attack Saudi targets. In
return, Saudi Arabia would provide funds and material assistance to the
Taliban, not demand bin Laden’s extradition, and not bring pressure to
close down al-Qaeda training camps. Saudi businesses, meanwhile, would
ensure that money also flowed directly to bin Laden.
***
Prince Ahmed and another royal, Prince Sultan bin Fahd bin Salman bin
Abdulazziz, were among the fifteen Saudis spirited out of the US, with
President Bush’s approval, on September 16, 2001, via Lexington,
Kentucky—i.e., out of Prince Ahmed’s U.S. backyard. Prince Sultan bin
Fahd is the nephew of Prince Ahmed and Prince Sultan, and the son of
Prince Fahd bin Salman (see below) who died unexpectedly shortly before
the 9/11 attacks.
“It appears as if they didn’t want to be around to be questioned as
to what role they had played and the best way to avoid that was to get
out of the country,” former Senator Bob Graham
told [31] the Sarasota
Herald-Tribune.
As author Craig Unger notes in his book,
House of Bush, House of Saud,
FBI agents were stationed at all points of departure for the group of
Saudis who massed in Lexington before departing the country, yet there’s
no evidence they were asked any questions at all.
Ironically, Posner, who is regularly cited by the corporate media for
his views on the JFK assassination (he is a leading defender of the
conclusion that Oswald was the lone gunman), is largely ignored for his
work on the Saudi-9/11 connection, where he
does posit high-level involvement. Posner is a
highly controversial [32]
and at times perplexing figure, but he insists he has solid
intelligence sources, and the thrust of his claims have meshed with
those of
The New York Times intelligence reporter and best-selling author James Risen. As Risen wrote in his book
State of War [33],
Ever since the September 11 attacks, the trail back from
al Qaeda to Saudi Arabia has been an intriguing path, but one that very
few American investigators have been willing to follow. . . . [B]oth
before and after 9/11, President Bush and his administration have
displayed a remarkable lack of interest in aggressively examining the
connections between Osama bin Laden, al Qaeda, and the Saudi power
elite. Even as the Bush administration spent enormous time and energy
trying in vain to prove connections between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin
Laden in order to help justify the war in Iraq, the administration was
ignoring far more conclusive ties with Saudi Arabia. Those links are
much stronger and far more troubling than has ever been previously
disclosed, and until they are thoroughly investigated, the roots of Al
Qaeda’s power, and the full story of 9/11, will never be known.”
[34]
Prince Fahd bin Salman died six weeks before 9/11 attacks
Several of those alleged to have had knowledge of this putative
scheme and its enormous implications met with untimely ends shortly
after Zubaydah’s interrogation. In June, 2002, three months after
Zubaydah’s capture, the man he identified as his controller, Prince
Ahmed, died of what officials said was a heart attack while asleep.
Another brother of Ahmed’s and Sultan’s, Prince Fahd bin Salman bin
Abdulazziz, died of a heart attack on July 25, 2001, about six weeks
before the 9/11 attacks. The death of Fahd, who preceded his brother as
head of EIRAD, is described in a Riyadh-datelined article by Middle East
Newsfile, as follows:
Prince Fahd died suddenly. Prince Fahd did not show any
symptoms of any ailment. He had, however, made an appointment with a
dentist at King Faisal Specialist Hospital in Riyadh to check a
toothache.
A cousin, Prince Sultan bin Faisal bin Turki al-Saud, died when his
car crashed en route to Salman’s funeral. Zubaydah had supposedly
implicated Prince Sultan bin Faisal, and another royal, Prince Fahd bin
Turki bin Saud al-Kabir. as Al-Qaeda supporters. All these men were in
their forties. Still another key figure in Zubaydah’s monstrous scenario
met an untimely death. On February 20, 2003, Mushaf Ali Mir, the
Pakistani air force chief, his wife and fifteen others, were killed in a
plane crash.
Not a hint of the above information appeared in the released portion
of the presidential 9/11 commission report. It is not known whether any
of it was in the 28 pages of material about Saudi connections that the
Bush Administration censored on national security grounds.
Continue to Page 3 of 3 [35]
WhoWhatWhy plans to continue doing this kind of
groundbreaking original reporting. You can count on it. But can we count
on you? We cannot do our work without your support.
Please click here to donate [10]; it’s tax deductible. And it packs a punch.
A Long-Standing Relationship
The Ghazzawis’ relationship with the United States seems to date back
to the 1950’s, when U.S. immigration records show that Abbas Ghazzawi
visited New York. Abbas Ghazzawi was a prominent Saudi attorney. Esam,
whose full name is Esam Abbas Ghazzawi, appears to be his son. (
WhoWhatWhy was unable to reach Ghazzawi for comment on any of the matters in this article.)
Abbas Ghazzawi, arriving on a first class ticket on a connecting
flight that originated in Saudi Arabia, was traveling in an elite
entourage. One companion, Rasem al-Khalidi, was
a high-ranking Saudi monetary official [36].
Another, Faisal al-Hegelan, would years later serve in the
all-important position of Saudi ambassador to Washington. He held that
post during 1979-1983, a period that partly coincided with the
Reagan-Bush Administration. His replacement was Prince Bandar, the Bush
family friend jokingly called “Bandar Bush.”
[37]
Saudi Air Force AWACS
The focus of Saudi royals in their dealings with the United States
can be seen in the conduct of al-Hegelan. As ambassador, al-Hegelan was
principally concerned with propping up the Saudi regime. He had
seventeen military attachés assigned fulltime to lobby for the sale of
the advanced command-and-control aircraft known as AWACS to the Saudi
air force. (see P. 17 of the book
Arab Reach, by Hoag Levins.)
Overcoming heavy pressure on Washington from the Israelis, the Saudis
succeeded in getting Congress to approve the AWACS sale. Al-Hegelan also
led a lobbying campaign against Secretary of State Alexander Haig’s
public support of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon. President Reagan, with
strong input from his vice president, George H.W. Bush, removed Haig
and replaced him with George Schultz, who sided with the Saudis;
Schultz had been president of Bechtel, one of the largest construction
contractors in Saudi Arabia, whose projects included the original
Trans-Arabian Pipeline.
We find the Ghazzawi clan again in the United States in 1970, when
the young Esam married the American Deborah G. Browning. The marriage
didn’t last long—in July, 1971 they obtained a divorce in Orange County,
California.
The first sign of the Ghazzawi clan on the east coast of the United
States was in 1992, when Esam bought a penthouse apartment in the D.C.
suburb of Rosslyn, Virginia. In various accounts, Esam is described as a
banker or financier, who also works as an interior designer. He accrued
additional property in Arlington, Virginia and Longboat Key, Florida,
and his name turns up in connection with a fancy office building in the K
Street lobbying corridor.
In this period, Esam’s name surfaced when investigators probing the monumentally corrupt
Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) [38]
sought to recover assets from Saudi Prince Fahd bin Salman—brother of
Prince Sultan bin Salman. The prince argued that his assets were being
held in another account under Esam Ghazzawi’s name. Only low-level BCCI
officials went to jail in the sprawling scandal, which involved banks
and governments all over the world. Prince Fahd bin Salman is one of the
relatives who died unexpectedly in the year of the 9/11 attacks. (The
Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations were repeatedly accused by
investigators into the BCCI mess of obstructing their inquiries; it is
worth noting that the Treasury Department official responsible for
scrutinizing BCCI’s affairs in the Reagan-Bush administration was
assistant secretary for enforcement John M. Walker Jr.—who happened to
be George H.W. Bush’s cousin.)
In 1995, Ghazzawi’s daughter Anoud, living in South Florida, married
Abdulazzi al-Hiijii, who was a university student in the area. Esam and
Deborah Ghazzawi, apparently reunited sometime after their 1971 divorce,
purchased the Sarasota home into which the couple moved. Abdulazzi
appears to have received a B.S. and Masters of Information Systems from
the University of South Florida. His Master’s should be noted in the
context of only one of two items removed from the Sarasota house before
the couple fled—a computer.
Today, the family seems comfortably ensconced back in Saudi Arabia.
In August, 2003, Abdulazzi al-Hiijjii became a career counselor at the
government oil company [39]—Saudi Aramco—a position he retains to this day. He served on the committee holding a
symposium [40] about electronic services in the eastern (oil-producing) province of Saudi Arabia, held in Khobar in 2008.
We found the American-born Deborah Ghazzawi, posting
online [41] just three years ago for help on finding her username/password for a Saudi Blackberry sim card.
***
The seeming reluctance of the US government to pursue hints of
possible Saudi complicity in the 9/11 attacks, wherever they might lead,
is hardly an isolated failure. Richard Clarke, the chief
counterterrorism official in both the Clinton and Bush administrations,
has recently
stated his view [42]that
the CIA made an unsuccessful attempt to recruit two of the hijackers as
double agents before the 9/11 attacks, then scurried to cover up this
bungled effort. Clarke thinks evidence points to the spy agency itself
allowing the hijackers into the U.S. as part of this scheme. If Clarke
is correct, this would be another case of interested parties in the
government keeping the truth bottled up for their own purposes.
[43]
President Bush with Saudi King Abdullah
Even more disturbing, the final section of the Congressional
inquiry’s report, on “sources of foreign support for some of the Sept.
11 hijackers,” was totally redacted. It is still unavailable to the
public on the 10
th anniversary of the attacks. Both Graham
and his GOP counterpart, Sen. Richard Shelby of Alabama, determined that
national security would not be harmed by releasing those pages. Yet
they were withheld—on the orders of George W. Bush.
Graham told the reporters he thinks suppression of the material
provided “protection of the Saudis from embarrassment, protection of the
administration from political embarrassment … some of the unknowns,
some of the secrets of 9/11.”
Tellingly, the venerable British insurance company Lloyd’s of London actively investigated Saudi complicity in 9/11. As
reported [44] by the U.K. paper
The Independent,
a Lloyd’s unit has launched what is described as “a landmark legal
case” against Saudi Arabia, claiming that the kingdom is indirectly
responsible for the 9/11 attacks. Lloyd’s asserts that Saudi banks and
charities acting as surrogates for the royal family gave the terrorist
group the sustenance it needed to carry out the 2001 assault. (Lloyd’s
is seeking to recover sums it paid to firms and individuals affected by
the event.) Reports
The Independent:
The legal claim states: “Absent the sponsorship of
al-Qa’ida’s material sponsors and supporters, including the defendants
named therein, al-Qa’ida would not have possessed the capacity to
conceive, plan and execute the 11 September attacks. The success of
al-Qa’ida’s agenda, including the 11 September attacks themselves, has
been made possible by the lavish sponsorship al-Qa’ida has received from
its material sponsors and supporters over more than a decade leading up
to 11 September 2001.”
Bizarrely, several days ago, Lloyd’s quietly withdrew its suit,
declining to explain why. But the move was conducted in such a way to
suggest a possible settlement, thereby raising still more questions for
investigation.
[45]
President Obama with Saudi King Abdullah
Meanwhile, in the United States, a growing chorus of voices—some very
establishment voices—are demanding accountability and candor. Graham
and Clarke have now been joined by retired CIA officer Bob Baer, by
several former FBI agents and by Tom Kean, chairman of presidential 9/11
commission, all of whom express concern that the full story has not
been permitted to emerge.
“No evidence,” But None Sought
The 9/11 Commission report “found no evidence that the Saudi
government as an institution or senior Saudi officials” financed Al
Qaeda. But this carefully worded statement does not foreclose the
possibility that members of the Saudi royal family personally provided
financing, or that senior officials funded companies or outsiders that
in turn provided financing.
Many questions remain to be answered. For example, why did the
Ghazzawi clan flee in such a hasty manner, pausing only to empty their
safe but leaving food on the kitchen counter and their pool pump
running? Was it because they had received some unexpected news, news so
urgent and alarming that normal preparations for an orderly departure
gave way to what appears to be a panicky exit?
If this question seems inconsequential, think about what kind of
news, in the days just before 9/11, could have prompted such intemperate
flight from the United States by a well-connected clan of Saudis? The
possible answers to this question could prove world-changing. The most
important Mideast nation so far untouched by the dislocations of the
Arab Spring is Saudi Arabia, the
single largest supplier of petroleum [46]
to the western world. If major players in that country’s ruling family
are shown to have had a hand in the 9/11 attacks, it would be the
equivalent of a geopolitical tsunami—upsetting powerful elites around
the world. Is it any wonder that efforts have been made to prevent a
no-holds-barred investigation of this connection? And isn’t it time, ten
years later, to end this coverup — in the name of the common good?
Former Senator Graham, for one, is increasingly adamant. As he told the
St. Petersburg Times:
“These 19 people did not play out this plot as lone wolves. The chances
that 19 people, most of whom had never been in the U.S., who did not
speak English, and most of whom did not know each other, could have
completed training, practiced and executed such a complicated plot
defies common sense.”
# #
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Please click here to donate [10]; it’s tax deductible. And it packs a punch.
Image Credits:
1 [47],
2 [48],
3 [49],
4 [50],
5 [51],
6 [51],
7 [52],
8 [53],
9 [54],
10 [55]
[6] Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years.: http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1608190064/ref=as_li_qf_sp_asin_il_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=1608190064&linkCode=as2&tag=who0ee-20
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