John F. Kennedy, The Secret Service and Rich, Fascist Texans
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| A handbill circulated on November 21, 1963 In Dallas, Texas, one day before the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
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On November 21st, 1963, 44 years ago today, the 1,035th day of John
F. Kennedy's tenure as President, he asked the Congress for $95.7
million in supplemental appropriations for fiscal year 1964. He also
asked his economic advisers to prepare a "War on Poverty" program for
1964. Then, President Kennedy and Mrs. Kennedy departed for a two-day
trip to Texas.
It was to be his last full day on Earth.
At the dedication of the Aerospace Medical Health
Center, Brooks Air Force Base, San Antonio, Texas he gave a talk in
which he reminisced: "Frank O'Connor, the Irish writer, tells in one of
his books how, as a boy, he and his friends would make their way across
the countryside, and when they came to an orchard wall that seemed too
high and too doubtful to permit their voyage to continue, they took off
their hats and tossed them over the wall -- and then they had no choice
but to follow them... This Nation has tossed its cap over the wall of
space, and we have no choice but to follow it."
And he predicted, "When some meet here in 1990 they will look back on
what we did and say that we made the right and wise decisions. 'Your old
men shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions,' the Bible
tells us, and 'where there is no vision, the people perish.'" (
Remarks at Dedication of the Aerospace Medical Health Center, San Antonio, Texas , November 21, 1963)
Later, President Kennedy made brief remarks to the League of United
Latin American Citizens at the Rice Hotel in Houston, Texas following
which he attended a dinner honoring Representative Albert Thomas,
Houston, Texas.
Yesterday, we talked about Oil and Oilmen; today, we want to look at
Texans, keeping always in mind that George W. Bush is a transplanted
Texan, and he and his father have both been "Oilmen." After that, we'll
look at the Secret Service, the men who were supposed to protect the
President. From
Farewell America:
Texans
The myth of the indispensable man must be broken if our country is to survive. - Haroldson Lafayette Hunt
The Panhandle State owes more to oil than it does to the Alamo. Texas
didn't really come into its own until oil gushed forth from the swamps
of Beaumont on January 10, 1901. Fed by more than 100,000 barrels a day
from the Spindletop well, (1) a lake of oil formed which was soon
consumed by fire. Spindletop set off a second Gold Rush. The area was
overrun by prospectors, the oil field was plundered, and the price of
oil fluctuated wildly. At first, Rockefeller ignored the Texas strike.
But after Standard Oil of New Jersey was broken up in 1911, Standard Oil
of Indiana bought up Humble, thereby becoming the largest producer in
Texas, while Socony took over Magnolia. By 1930, the American oil empire
was controlled by 20 big companies which seemed destined for eternal
prosperity. But on October 9, 1930, a stubborn prospector named "Dad"
Joiner struck oil at 3,000 feet in East Texas. He had discovered the
richest oil field in the United States. Forty miles long and 2 to 5
miles wide, its reserves have been estimated at one and a half billion
tons. By the time Standard and the other big companies arrived on the
scene, thousands of prospectors were drilling away on tens of thousands
of rural and urban plots. It was the most ruinous waste in the history
of oil, and just at the start of the Depression the bottom dropped out
of the market.
Standard, Gulf, Texaco and Shell managed to regain control with the help
of the federal government. Laws were voted by the states, concessions
were closed down by force, and the Connally law on "black oil" put a
stop to illegal production in East Texas. When the basin had been pumped
dry, production quotas were established and order prevailed. Some
independent producers managed to survive, but they were obliged to
comply with the rules set by the Big Four, who tolerated them because
their greater production costs enabled the larger companies to keep
prices high and increase profits.
Thirty years later, in 1963, Texas accounted for half the proven oil
reserves on American soil. With 95,000 active oil wells owned by 6,500
oil companies (of the 12,325 in the United States), it constituted a key
position for the big corporations, for it controlled production in the
neighboring states of Louisiana and Oklahoma (65% of the American
total), and therefore prices.
Six companies control 80% of Texas oil production. Humble produces 15%
and refines 30% of this total. These giants command not only the oil,
but also the sulfur and natural gas markets, and consequently real
estate, transportation facilities, power, water, and banks throughout
the state.
Even without oil, Texas would be one of the richest states in the Union.
One hundred times larger than Delaware, five times larger than New
York, four times larger than Missouri, three times larger than
Minnesota, twice as large as Montana, it covers 100,000 square miles
more than the state of California, and each of its 254 counties is
bigger than the state of Rhode Island. There are 227,000 ranches in
Texas, and the King Ranch covers more territory than Switzerland. Texas
raises 10 million head of cattle and provides one-quarter of the rice,
one-third of the cotton, and half of all the synthetic rubber consumed
in the United States. In 1963 the state had a population of 10,228,000,
including one million Negroes and one million 'Wetbacks'.
The Second World War turned Texas into an industrial state. Thanks to the Cold War,
its industries expanded five times faster than those of the rest of the nation.
This industrial expansion reached a climax in 1963, when General
Dynamics of Fort Worth was awarded the TFX fighter plane contract. The
fantastic development of smaller firms such as Texas Instruments is
directly linked to the war in Vietnam.(2)
Texas offers these industries lower taxes, cheap labor (poor
whites, Negroes and Wetbacks), restrictive labor legislation (the union
shop is prohibited by state law), and its outstanding natural
resources in oil, natural gas, and sulfur.(3) The federal government is
one of the state's principal benefactors. Texas ranks second in the
nation in terms of federal aid, with $3.9 billion in 1960-61, or 20.1%
of the total state revenue.(4)
The wealthiest of the wealthy
states, Texas in 1960 had 53% more federal employees and received 65%
more federal aid than the average American state.(5)
Washington's favors touched every sector of the economy. Texas, with the
most extensive highway system (constructed with federal funds) in the
country,(6) received the largest amount of federal aid for paralyzed
children, and the highest subsidies for flood prevention.
But not all the inhabitants of Texas share in this munificence.
In 1963, the state of Texas spent only $282.46 per person on social
welfare (education, health, hospitals, public welfare), as compared to
the national average of $343.64 per inhabitant (a difference of 18%). In
the field of education, Texas ranked third in the nation in terms of
federal aid per inhabitant, and 31st in terms of expenditures. It ranked
first in terms of federal aid for child welfare, and 44th in terms of
expenditures. It was second in the nation in terms of federal aid for
the aged, and 40th in terms of expenditures. Nor does Texas neglect only
its people. In 1963 it received more federal aid for experimental
agricultural stations than any other state in the union, but ranked 47th
in terms of the amount spent on improvements in cattle breeding.
There is little indication that the people of Texas merit such favoritism. Their state is
first in the nation in terms of murder and armed robbery, and second for rape.
Texas is the realm of intolerance. It calls itself Democratic, but for
the past 25 years it has elected Republicans or would-be Democrats. It
claims to be progressive, but only 15% of its 2.5 million
non-agricultural workers are unionized, and since 1954 a fine of
$20,000 and 20 years in prison punishes membership in the Communist
Party. In 1952, Governor Allan Shrivers even tried to obtain the death
penalty for this "crime."
Texas sees nothing wrong with prescribing the death penalty for a
political opinion, but it protects the right to commit homicide. It is
the paradise of murder, and even of murder for thrills.
The name "Texas" comes from the Indian "Tejas," meaning "Friendship,"
which is also the state motto. In 1879 Harper's Bazaar wrote, "In the
past 12 years there have been 300 murders in Texas, and only 11 death
sentences." Since then, Texans have done even better. In 1960 there were
1,080 murders in Texas, and 5 death sentences.
Moreover,
Texas has its own definition of murder. Only 3
of the 254 counties in Texas require a coroner's examination in the
case of sudden or suspicious death. The 251 others leave it to the
Justice of the Peace (7) to determine the cause of death. A verdict of
death due to natural causes has been known to coincide with the
discovery of a bullet in the body of the deceased. The FBI estimates
that the number of murders actually committed in Texas is several times
the official figure. Between 5,000 and 10,000 deaths occur every year in
Texas because of brutality, greed, or just because.(8)
One hundred and thirty-two counties in Texas are prohibitonist, another
form of intolerance that satisfies the puritanism of its inhabitants and
the interests of the business community.
One out of every 12 Texans -- 800,000 in all -- is illiterate, the highest percentage in the nation.
Texas delivers fewer high school diplomas than the poorest state in the
union, Mississippi.(9) It ranks third in the nation in terms of the
number of registered automobiles, but only 36th in terms of insurance
coverage.
Backwards, intolerant, and irresponsible, Texas lifts its soul
only towards God, if one is to judge from the number of its churches.
There are more than 1,000 churches in Dallas alone. Waco (100,000
inhabitants} has 122, Midland (68,000 inhabitants} 82, and Tyler (50,000
inhabitants) 94.(10) Evangelist Billy Graham is popular in Texas, and
playboys are frowned upon.
Texans never tire of looking at money. The center of attraction at the
Dallas Petroleum Club is a long ebony table inlaid with coins from all
over the world. The homes of Highland Park, University Park, and River
Oak are decorated with Cezannes and Renoirs (many of them fakes), but
they rarely contain books.
Texans don't read, with the possible exception of the Sunday papers.
Unlike other American cities, Texas cities don't have bookstores. There
is a second-hand bookstore in Dallas, but it is in the suburbs. The
other bookstores are run by the churches. On the other hand, Dallas has
an opera, a Museum of Contemporary Art, and 700 garden clubs. Texans
like flowers.
Texas has 1,128 banks, more than any other state in the Union,(11) but
despite its wealth, the total income of the inhabitants of Texas falls
well below that of many other states.(12)
An oligarchic state if
there ever was one, Texas is nevertheless first in the nation in terms
of the number of personal incomes exceeding $1 million a year.
Four-fifths of these millionaires are oilmen.
In this state of nabobs and beggars, where whole regions are
still without electricity and where hundreds of thousands of people
sleep out of doors, corruption is an institution, professional witnesses
are a dime a dozen, and if you dial a certain number you can hear a
recorded anti-Semitic diatribe.
Such a privileged state has to have influence in Washington. It has had,
since before Roosevelt. In 1947, Harry Truman modified the law
providing for the succession to the Presidency in favor of Texan Sam
Rayburn, making the House Majority Leader the third most important
person in the country. Eisenhower, born in Tyler, Texas, faced a
Congress led by House Majority Leader Rayburn, a Texan, and Senate
majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, another Texan.
But despite the
special favors, all the federal aid, and the federal employees paid by
Washington, the state treasury has often verged on bankruptcy. In
1959, Texas even paid its employees with rubber checks. Once again, the
federal government was obliged to bailout the richest state in the
union. In 1961, while it was still young and naive, the Kennedy
Administration tried to enforce the payment of the federal tax on
business transactions in Texas. No Texan could remember this law ever
having been enforced. Texas, the state that fortune smiled upon, lay
outside the frontiers of America. What did it want with the New
Frontier?
Texas is a separate way of life. The oil industry controls the government, the politics, and the social life of the state.(13)
Its contribution to the economy is so important, and its influence
so widespread, that it can make or break a project. The independent
producers wield as much, if not more, power than the Presidents of
the major oil companies, and because their fortunes are generally the
result of personal success and their base of operations less
far-flung, they are also more aggressive. They are thus far more
vulnerable to any attack on the privileges of the oil industry, and
in particular to any change in the laws that govern it.
It has been estimated that there are more than 500 millionaires
living in Houston, and probably as many in Dallas. The income of the
twenty richest independent oil producers put together would be enough to
cover the state budget.
Texas, which doesn't know the meaning of income tax, has no more idea of what a constitution should be.
The Texas Constitution dates back to 1876. Consequently, the state
government has no power to deal with the abuses of its inhabitants. The
state legislature meets only once every two years. Its members are paid
$10 a day for a period of 120 days. If the session is prolonged beyond
that limit, their pay is halved. As a result, most state congressmen are
either lawyers representing their clients at Austin or students glad
for a chance to make a little extra money. For that matter, poor
students and teachers interested in politics are especially well
regarded by the real proprietors of the state. The oilmen finance the
studies of a certain number of gifted and deserving students, and if
they are elected to the state legislature they are rewarded with land
leases, stocks, and allowances enabling them to devote themselves to the
service of their country.
The oilmen have little difficulty in
getting their candidates elected to office -- they control the press,
radio and television. Their influence over the police and judicial
authorities is such that only the most insignificant criminal and civil
cases, and those in which they have no interests at stake, are ever
bought to court.
One of the most eminent figures in Texas and the oil industry appeared
one day in the Cokesbury Bookstore, a Methodist bookshop in Dallas, to
autograph a book that he had published himself. This man rates only
seven lines in Who's Who: "Haroldson Lafayette Hunt, oil producer;
Vandalia, Ill.; ed. pub. Schs; m. Lynda Bunker (died May 7, 1955);
married 2nd Ruth Ray Weight, December 1957. Oil producer, Hunt Oil Co.
Established Facts Forum, a foundation producing radio and TV programs
relating to nat. issues. Democrat. Address: 4009 W. Lawther Dr.,
Dallas."
Seven lines isn't much for a man who was, in 1963, and probably will be
until he dies, the richest man in the world, (14) with a fortune
conservatively estimated at $4 billion. When you get into those kind of
figures, you are no longer talking about wealth, but about power.
The book that the richest man in the world had come to autograph was called
Alpaca, undoubtedly after the llama-like South American ruminant of the same name so noted for its resistance.
Alpaca
is Hunt's Bible. It describes a mythical new nation where income taxes
are limited to 25%, and where every citizen is accorded a number of
votes in direct proportion to his income-tax bracket.(15)
Hunt was accompanied by his second wife and his two stepdaughters, and
the little girls -- Helen, 11, and Sewannee, 10 -- sang a little song:
How much is that book in the window?
The one that says all the smart things.
How much is that book in the window?
I do hope to learn all it brings.
How much is that book in the window?
The one which my Popsy wrote.
How much is that book in the window?
You can buy it without signing a note.
Alpaca! Fifty cents!(16)
Hunt is a hard man to figure out. Few journalists have even tried. The
real personality of this Puritan who was 74 in 1963 lies hidden behind a
few cautious descriptions:
"As rich as Croesus, as shrewd as a riverboat gambler, as tight as a new pair of shoes . . ."
"He thinks communism started in this country when the government took over distribution of the mail . . ."
"If he had more flair and imagination, if he were not basically such a
damned hick, he could be one of the most dangerous men in America."
For gifted psychologist Hugh Hefner, Hunt is "an irritating enigma."
"No one, not even his own family, professes to understand him; no one,
not even the partners he's made rich, seems to have any idea what drove
him to amass his vast fortune; and no one, not even Hunt himself, seems
able to explain just what he is trying to accomplish in the political
arena."(17)
Hunt is the incarnation of Texas, but he was born into a prosperous
family in Illinois. He left home at 15 with a pack on his back and
worked for a time as a lumberjack. At 22, he took his inheritance of a
few thousand dollars and set out for Arkansas, where in 1912 he bought
plantation land that hadn't overflowed for 35 years. That year and the
next, it overflowed. The following year World War I broke out and the
price of cotton dropped to 5 cents a pound. Hunt was ruined.
1918 brought a big land boom, and Hunt sold his plantation and bought
more land. Three years later, he headed for an oil strike in El Dorado,
Arkansas and began trading in leases. He drilled a few wells in the West
Smackover fields and soon owned a hundred wells in Louisiana, Arkansas,
and Oklahoma. In 1930 he went to East Texas and bought the famous Dad
Joiner well, the Number One Daisy Bradford, which the big oil companies
had disregarded. Before the Second World War, Hunt had made his first
billion, mostly in oil, and re-invested it not only in oil and natural
gas, but also in a multitude of other undertakings integrated vertically
or horizontally, or completely diversified.
Hunt is the nation's biggest farmer. His business interests cover five
continents and run from drugs to real estate, cotton, cattle, and
timber. It has been estimated that "the Hunt assets are equal to those
of such corporate complexes as General Electric."(18)
Hunt owns and controls companies the names of which have never been associated with his.(19)
His name does not appear on the list of the 500 largest international
corporations, although he is probably among the top five. The Hunt Oil
Company (incorporated in Delaware in 1934) owns producing properties in
Texas, Louisiana, North Dakota, and 9 more states, as well as
undeveloped acreage in 18 other states, including Alaska. Hunt is behind
a multitude of independent oil companies such as Placid Oil, the Hunt
Petroleum Corp., and Placid International Oil, Ltd. (incorporated in
1958 in Delaware), with offices and activities in Australia, the
Netherlands, Lebanon, England, and 17 other countries.
Haroldson Lafayette Hunt has neither stockholders nor board of
directors. He owns 85 to 90% of the shares in all of his companies.(20)
(His family owns the rest.) This 200 lb. six-footer is a latecomer to
politics. Until he was 60, he occupied himself with drilling his wells
and building his empire. He likes to describe himself as "a registered
Democrat who often votes Republican." The last President of whom he
approved was Calvin Coolidge. He calls Franklin D. Roosevelt "the first
President to institute the struggle of class against class." Roosevelt
also recognized the Soviet Union, thus bearing, in his view, the
responsibility for "the surrender of hundreds of millions of people into
Communist domination." He violently attacks the "myth of the
indispensable man" created by Franklin D. Roosevelt and reclaimed by
Kennedy. "This myth must be broken if our country is to survive," he has
been quoted as saying. For him, the principal arms of the
"Indispensable Man" of the Sixties were "Communism" and "taxes."
Communism and taxes, it must be said, are the keys to the mind and activities of Haroldson Lafayette Hunt.
"The United States have been in charge of the world since World War
Two, during which time the Communists have taken into domination one
third of the world's population.
"Communist activities in the United States are criminal and can be spoken of along with other criminal offenses."
"All services to the public should be abolished in favor of personal
enterprise where they can be more efficiently and economically
performed."
Hunt condemns the "strange persons with a twisted education who would
prefer to be defeated." He also attacks federal welfare programs for
"harming the general public and giving some persons and groups an
advantage over others." He dismisses Social Security as "thousands of
frivolous projects." He declares, "People who have wealth should use it
wisely, in a way that will do society the most good. They should be
careful that in making supposedly charitable gifts, their money will not
be used to destroy or impair the American system and promote atheism."
For Hunt, Kennedy's assault on the tax privileges enjoyed by the oil
industry were "criminal offenses" against "the American system.
Depletion allowances are necessary for irreplaceable resources. The
increased net income for the Government from their elimination would
finance the Government 3 or 4 days per year . . ." he declares, adding,
"We are losing the right to keep a fair share of the money we earn and a
fair share of the profits we make."
Hunt's letterhead describes him as an "operator."(21) He considers
himself one of the best poker players in the country, and he probably
is. He has always placed his reliance on competent technicians.
His personal bodyguard is made up of former FBI agents. Years ago he acquired the habit of acting through intermediaries.
He
has his own intelligence network, and his decisions are carried out by a
powerful general staff. His business interests are so extensive that he
subsidizes (along with other important oilmen) most of the influential
men in Congress, men like Lyndon Johnson. Hunt was one of the financial
backers of Senator Joseph McCarthy, whose deputy Roy Cohn attracted his
attention and has since worked for him on several occasions.
Hunt is the most powerful American propagandist of the Far Right. In
1951 he financed "Facts Forum," a series of radio and television
programs which was later replaced by "Life Line," a one-sided series of
15-minute radio broadcasts carried daily on 409 stations throughout the
country. His propaganda campaign costs him $2 million a year and is
financed by companies that he owns, or on which he is in a position to
exert pressure. (22)
Hunt's brand of anti-Communism has found support in the military camp.
In 1952, Hunt supported the "MacArthur for President" campaign, and he
has called MacArthur "truly the man of this century." He was also
impressed by the MacArthur-trained group of strategists. (23) He once
declared,
"We should do whatever our generals advise us to do."
Beginning in 1952, several influential military men, flattered by Hunt's
attention and conscious of his power, acquired the habit of consulting
and confiding in him. Thus General George C. Kenney (born in 1889),
former Commanding General of the Strategic Air Command, who retired from
the Air Force in 1951, told him of his personal plan for knocking out
Russia's nuclear capacity, based on the strategy of a preventive strike.
General Albert C. Wedemeyer (born in 1897), author of the "Wedemeyer
Reports" and an active member of the John Birch Society, (24) retired
from the Army in 1951, (25) and Admiral James Van Fleet (born in 1892
and retired from the Navy in 1953) (26) were among the specialists
consulted by Hunt, who shared their
passion for strategy and extermination. The advent of Kennedy and McNamara created a stir among the military, and there were many retirements and dismissals.
The leader of this warrior clan was General Edwin A. Walker (born in
1909), a Texan who returned to Dallas after leaving the Army and
contacted H. L. Hunt. Then, with the support of the John Birchers, (27)
the Minutemen, and several of his former subordinates in the US forces
in Germany, he launched an extremist and militarist campaign. Robert A.
Surrey, Walker's "associate," had the financial backing of Hunt's
companies. In 1962 ex-General Walker ran for Governor of Texas but was
defeated by John Connally, whereupon he plunged headlong into a campaign
of politico-economic action. By the winter of 1962-63, plans were being
made for a preventive strike.
Hunt is the Big Man in Texas, the Giant, the richest and the stingiest,
(28) the most powerful and the most solitary of the oilmen. He has
always shied away from the other Texas and Louisiana oil producers, men
like Michel Halbouty, Ray Hubbard, R. E. Smith, Algur H. Meadows, J ake
Hamon, Kay Kimbell, O. C. Harper, C. V. Lyman, J. P. Gibbins, Ted
Wiener, Thomas W. Blake, John W. Mecom, Billy Byars and Morgan Davis,
but they have interests in common. Only the solidarity of the oil
industry and, in some cases, fear kept certain habitues of the Fort
Worth Petroleum Club, the Bayou and International Clubs in Houston, the
Club Imperial, the Cipango Club and the Public Affairs Luncheon Club of
Dallas from talking in the months and weeks preceding November 22.
Instead, they let matters take their course.
The opinions and the aversions of obstinate old men often lead
to excesses. Embittered puritan potentates frightened to see their lives
drawing to an end are an even greater danger. Representatives
Bruce Alger and Joe Pool stopped up their ears. In the streets of Texas,
"Knock Out the Kennedys" stickers were already appearing on bumpers and
windshields. Hunt liked to say, "It is through weakness -- not strength
-- that we lose esteem in the world."
FAST FORWARD: At 12:23 on November 22, from his office on the
7th floor of the Mercantile Building, Haroldson Lafayette Hunt watched
John Kennedy ride towards Dealey Plaza, where fate awaited him at 12:30.
A few minutes later, escorted by six men in two cars, Hunt left the
center of Dallas without even stopping by his house.
At that very moment; General Walker was in a plane between New Orleans and Shreveport.
He
joined Mr. Hunt in one of his secret hideaways across the Mexican
border. There they remained for a month, protected by personal guards,
under the impassive eyes of the FBI. It was not until Christmas that
Hunt, Walker and their party returned to Dallas.
In February, 1964, Elgin E. Crull, Dallas City Manager, declared, "The
vast majority of people in Dallas were affected by the murder of the
President as they would have been by a sudden, violent death in their
own family." But he added, "When life resumed its regular rhythm, there
was general agreement that the actions of two maverick gunmen -- the
alleged assassin and his slayer -- would not impede the dynamic growth
of Big D."
See also: Halliburton Is Houston's' Greater Hermann Goering Werke'
for details on the relationship between H. L. Hunt, Halliburton, Brown
& Root and Permindex, the company with which Guy Bannister - accused
by Jim Garrison of being involved in the plot to assassinate John F.
Kennedy - was associated.
According to the Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal manuscript
written under the nom de plume "William Torbitt," both Halliburton and
George and Herman Brown were among the principal financiers of
Permindex, along with Jean de Menil, mob lawyer Roy Cohn, Dallas oilman
H.L. Hunt, and others.
The Vice President and his neo-con allies such as Defense Secretary
Donald Rumseld, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, et al., are agents of a
power which is committed to eliminating the principles espoused in the
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, in favor of a global
bankers' dictatorship. This same oligarchic power, acting through
merchant banks like Lazard Freres and Rothschild and other financial
institutions, controls a large swath of Wall Street and corporate
America, including Halliburton. Halliburton's power does not flow from
Cheney, but from Cheney's backers, the Synarchist bankers. Cheney's
policy toward the people of Iraq is the same as Halliburton's policy
toward its asbestos claimants, and the same as Goering's policy toward
the people in the Nazi work camps.
Arbeit Macht Frei (Work Makes You Free) read the sign over the entrance
to Auschwitz. It was an example of Goering's "big lie" tactic in
action. The Cheney cabal's pronouncements that we must accept
police-state tactics in our own nation and pre-emptive strikes against
other nations in the name of freedom, rings just as false. Hermann
Goering would be proud. ...
Halliburton also has strong intelligence ties, notably through the
presence on its board from 1977 through 2000 of the King Ranch's Anne
Armstrong, who chaired the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory
Board (PFIAB) from 1981 until 1990, in addition to a stint as U.S.
Ambassador to Great Britain, and her long-standing role as chairman of
the executive committee at the Center for Strategic and International
Studies (CSIS), a powerful Washington think-tank.
Armstrong's successor as Halliburton's top spook is Ray Hunt, one of
five Dresser directors to join the Halliburton board. Hunt, the son of
reputed Permindex funder H.L. Hunt, was appointed to the PFIAB by
President George W. Bush in October 2001. Oilman Hunt is also a trustee
of the CSIS and a director of the King Ranch, suggesting that Hunt is
taking the retiring Armstrong's spot in a long-standing Texas
intelligence network. Hunt is also a trustee of the George Bush
Presidential Library and a former chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank
of Dallas.
See: Top-secret cronies
Bush has stacked his foreign advisory board with his Texas business
pals, who stand to profit from access to CIA and military
intelligence.
November 17, 2005 | No discussion of cronyism in the Bush
administration would be complete without talking about PFIAB, short for
the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. George W. Bush's
latest appointments to the PFIAB, which advises the president on how
various intelligence agencies are performing, represent a who's who of
the Halliburton-Texas Rangers-oil business crony club that made Bush
into a millionaire and helped propel him into the White House. ...
Created in 1956 by President Dwight Eisenhower, the PFIAB is designed
-- according to the White House press release -- to give the president
"objective, expert advice." In an ideal world, the PFIAB members would
analyze the intelligence they get and give the president their
unvarnished opinions about the relative merits of the different agencies
and the work they are doing. PFIAB members are granted access to
America's most secret secrets, known as SCI, for Sensitive Compartmented
Information. Members of PFIAB have security clearances that are among
the highest in the U.S. government. They have access to intelligence
that is unavailable to most members of Congress. They are privy to
intelligence from the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security
Agency, the military intelligence agencies and others.
Everything that members do as part of PFIAB is done in secrecy. None of
the information that they discuss or view is available to the public.
They are not subject to the Freedom of Information Act. And unlike other
public servants who work for the president, there is no public
disclosure of the PFIAB members' financial interests. ...
For Bush, it appears that campaign cash counts far more than expertise.
And few backers have given Bush's campaigns more cash than Ray Hunt,
son of the legendary Dallas billionaire bigamist oilman H.L. Hunt. PFIAB
membership is a plum position for Hunt, who raised about $100,000 for
Bush during the 2000 campaign and also served as the finance chairman of
the Republican National Committee.
Hunt's position at PFIAB may benefit a familiar entity in the Bush
crony network: Halliburton, which is doing billions of dollars' worth of
reconstruction and logistics work for the U.S. government in Iraq and
on the Gulf Coast. Hunt sits on Halliburton's board of directors. He got
his spot on the Halliburton board in 1998 while Dick Cheney was running
the company. As soon as Hunt got on the Halliburton board, he was put
on its compensation committee, where he helped determine Cheney's pay.
Indeed, in 1998, Hunt's committee decided that Cheney deserved a bonus
of $1.1 million and restricted stock awards of $1.5 million on top of
his regular salary of $1.18 million.
Hunt has been on the PFIAB since 2001. Presumably, months ahead of
everyone else, he had access to intelligence indicating that the Bush
administration was going to invade Iraq -- information that could have
been of value to certain oil service companies with operations in the
Middle East.... the decision to appoint Hunt [and other cronies] is part
of the "familiar pattern that we've seen so often with this
administration: The president's pals and supporters are esteemed more
highly than those who have genuine competence." He continues: "These
people aren't the best and the brightest. They are the best connected.
And the quality of our government suffers as a result."
Secret Service
If they are to conquer, prophets must have attentive partisans to protect them from the tumult. (Mohammed)
The decision had been made, the money raised. The political visionaries
made way for the politicians.(1) It was time to make plans. It isn't
enough to want to kill the President. There is also the Secret Service
to think about. The Presidential assistants were prepared to affront
political obstacles, but their "grace and their airy flanerie" (2) had
shielded them from the brutal side of American life. Innocent of
violence and ignorant of hate, they failed to see the danger. Only
Daniel P. Moynihan, a former longshoreman, had some idea of such things.
Of all the Cabinet officials, only Bob Kennedy knew the risks of the
Presidency. But he couldn't be behind his brother every minute of the
day.
Kennedy himself did little to discourage them. He was tolerant, he liked
people, and he had a firm belief in his destiny. His boisterous
sophisticated cronies were barely conscious of the feelings aroused by
the President's revolutionary action, and they paid little heed to his
protection. Ken O'Donnell, who was in charge of the White House staff,
had authority not only over the personnel, but also over the Secret
Service. He could transfer or fire anyone he wanted, and he had the
power, to introduce reforms. He was also in charge of the President's
trips.
O'Donnell is the soul of integrity, and, as he liked to say, he would
have given his life for the President. He would have done better to
protect him. It is surprising to realize that this man, chosen by
Kennedy for his intellectual ability, acted without thinking. As he said
one day to Jerry Behn, in his mind, "politics and protection don't
mix." He was mistaken. It is a difficult and dangerous combination, but
it is possible.
O'Donnell, though an excellent administrator, was a weak man, and he was
unsure of himself. This became evident after the President's death at
Parkland Hospital when, as the highest-ranking White House official
present with the exception of President Johnson, he proved himself
incapable of doing anything more than "standing off to one side and
eyeing the medical examiner icily" when the latter opposed the removal
of President Kennedy's body. It became all the more evident when, after
behaving rudely towards the new President during the plane trip back to
Washington (which was perhaps his right), he agreed to serve on his
staff. It was he who kicked up such a fuss, only the day after the
assassination, about a Boston funeral, proving once and for all that
John Kennedy was for him more a friend than a President. He was so happy
to have such a man as a friend that he gave too little thought to his
enemies. We know how much these words may hurt Ken O'Donnell, and how
unjust they may appear, but we imagine that O'Donnell must be blaming
himself.
The 56 Secret Service agents assigned to the White House detail were
under the authority of the Treasury Department, but the responsible
official, Assistant Treasury Secretary Robert Wallace, left the everyday
direction of the Service to James Rowley, a mediocre civil servant.
Gerald Behn, head of the White House Secret Service detail, lacked the
necessary intelligence and qualifications for the job.
Three Presidents before Kennedy had been assassinated (Lincoln,
Garfield, and McKinley), and four others (Jackson, Theodore and Franklin
Roosevelt and Truman) had escaped assassination. This record, unequaled
in any other stable republic, should have inspired the Secret Service
to extra vigilance. Margaret Truman's overzealous bodyguards caused
trouble in Sweden, which has some of the toughest policemen in the
world. Eisenhower's trips abroad were meticulously organized. But since
the advent of television, the protection of the President on American
soil had become a difficult job. So that the public could see the
President, his bodyguards were banished from the running-boards of the
Presidential car. At first they ran alongside it; later they rode on the
back bumper. But nobody tried to kill Eisenhower during his two terms
in office, and the Secret Service relaxed. Its relaxation was doubly
dangerous, for the illusion remained that the President was
well-protected.
It is difficult, of course, to protect an active President, and it is
impossible to protect him completely during his public appearances. But
there are ways to reduce the risk, and there are certain rules which are
applied by Presidential security forces throughout the world, be it in
France, the USSR, or Bolivia. The protection of the President witnin the
United States(3) presents a special problem. The Secret Service is
obliged to cooperate with the local police, which are sometimes
incompetent or unreliable, and can even, as in Dallas, be dangerous.(4)
But a Presidential security force should be able to rise to the
challenge. The guerrilla warfare specialists who organized the Dallas
ambush were amazed to discover that Kennedy's Secret Service worked like
a troop of boy scouts.
Since its creation following the assassination of McKinley in 1901, the
Secret Service had degenerated into a myth and a sinecure. In the first
place, it wasn't secret. O'Donnell used Secret Service agents as errand
boys, and at airport stops they handed out souvenirs to the crowds.(5)
They all dressed alike in blue suits with white shirts and striped ties,
and during Presidential trips they each wore an identical badge. The
insignia for the Texas trip was known three weeks in advance: double
white bars on a red background.
Several members of the White House detail were not qualified for their
jobs. Their average age was 40, and as in the Senate the highest
positions were awarded on the basis of seniority. Bill Greer, the driver
of the Presidential Lincoln, was 54 and had 35 years' experience,
enough to lull anybody's reflexes. After O'Donnell and perhaps Kellerman
(the agent who rode in the front of the President's car in Dallas),
Greer bears a heavy responsibility for the success of the assassination.
We shall explain why a little later.
Finally, the Secret Service lacked direction. A security force must
follow certain procedures and apply certain regulations without
exception. The White House agents had no real leader. During Roosevelt's
term in office, Frank J. Wilson ruled with authority, but the Secret
Service chiefs who succeeded him were nothing but mediocre bureaucrats.
The White House agents had two sessions a year on a Washington firing
range, but they practiced only target shooting like any amateur. Their
reflexes were never tested. At any rate, a security agent's gun is of
secondary importance. Generally, he has no time to shoot. His job is to
anticipate an attempt on the President's life. Soviet security agents,
for instance, have narrowly defined responsibilities. In official
motorcades, one agent watches the windows on the first floor, another
those on the second, another the spectators in the front row, still
another the people standing alone, another the local policemen and a
sixth the soldiers lining the road. Every time a Soviet official
travels, his security agents run down a checklist of security
precautions. No detail is omitted, and there are no exceptions. The same
is true in France for the protection of President De Gaulle.(6)
Lawson, the Secret Service advance man in Dallas, let the local
authorities show him around the city, and his report reached the White
House only the day before the President's departure.
A secretary
whose married boss is planning an amorous weekend in Miami takes more
precautions than Ken O'Donnell did for John Kennedy in Texas.
Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963 was about as heavily guarded as the
Grand Canyon on a winter day, and Robert Kennedy's bodyguards showed
little more vigilance on June 5, 1968. Of course, as the Warren
Commission Report points out, "the limited effectiveness of the Secret
Service make it impossible to watch hundreds of buildings and thousands
of windows." That, however, is not the problem.
There is a standard procedure for assuring the security of a motorcade
traversing a city. As Superintendent Ducret, the man responsible for
President De Gaulle's security, describes it: "Of course, it is
impossible to watch everything and occupy everything along the
President's route. But it can be assumed that occupied office or
apartment buildings are relatively safe. A potential assassin might, of
course, try to enter one of these buildings, but he would be at the
mercy of a witness. Serious conspirators will rarely take such a risk.
"On the other hand, all unoccupied buildings, administrative buildings
outside of working hours, warehouses, building sites, and naturally all
bridges, walls, and vacant lots that would be ideal for an ambush must
not only be watched, but actually occupied by forces placed directly
under the supervision of the Presidential security division."
Surrounded by five buildings(7) and a great deal of open ground,
Dealey Plaza was the most dangerous spot on President Kennedy's route,
but a few men would have sufficed to guard it effectively.
A representative of the Committee followed the President's trips at the
end of September through Wisconsin, North Dakota, Wyoming, Montana,
Washington, Utah, Oregon, Nevada and California. Apparently the
Committee planned to assassinate Kennedy, first in Chicago and then in
Florida the week before his trip to Texas, but both times the Secret
Service was alerted. The Chicago trip was canceled, and special
precautions were taken in Miami (the President used a helicopter). The
Committee would have preferred to act in Florida, but it had its doubts
about the reliability of the Florida state police and the Tampa and
Miami police departments, and the operation was postponed until Dallas
on November 22.(8)
On November 21, the two men in charge of the ambush observed the Kennedy
motorcade in Houston. In Texas, as in Utah, the Secret Service was
entirely dependent upon the local police. Not only did the agents behave
on these trips as if they were members of the party; they were always
one step ahead. At 12:30 pm, seconds before the assassination, agent
Emory Roberts jotted in his shift report, "12:35 pm, the President
arrived at the Trade Mart." The Secret Service was already thinking
ahead to tomorrow, when Kennedy was to visit Lyndon Johnson on his
ranch.
Every time the President travels, the Protective Research Section (9)
makes a security check of the area. The PRS had reservations about the
Florida trip because of the large number of Cuban refugees and the
rumors of an assassination attempt, but it issued no warning about
Texas. The Secret Service, therefore, took no special precautions. The
security measures taken in Dallas were the same as those in effect in
New York, Palm Beach, Tampa, Miami, Houston and Fort Worth. The Secret
Service could count on the reinforcement of its 28 agents in Texas,
including 5 based in Dallas. Eight agents were assigned to guard the
Trade Mart, but there were none at all at Dealey Plaza. The Secret
Service was so unconcerned about the Texas trip that it even left its
chief behind. At the time of the assassination, Jerry Behn was dining in
a Washington restaurant. Roy Kellerman, who took his place at Dallas,
proved so incompetent that at Parkland Hospital his men started taking
orders from agent Emory Roberts. Later, during the flight back to
Washington, Rufus Youngblood took over. These men had traveled 200,000
miles with the President. Somewhere along the line, they had neglected
the first rule of security: they had lost their reflexes.
When the first shot rang out at Dealey Plaza, agent Clint Hill, who was
later decorated, was the first to move, and it took him 7 or 8 seconds
to react. In eight seconds, the average sprinter can cover 80 yards. Yet
"Halfback," the back-up car in which Hill was riding, was almost
touching the Presidential limousine, and neither vehicle was traveling
more than 12 miles an hour.(10)
Kennedy's Secret Service agents apparently had no idea of the importance
of a second in an assassination attempt. Agent Hickey, riding in
Halfback, had an AR-15 automatic rifle on his lap, but it took him two
seconds to load it and get ready to fire. In two seconds a modern bullet
travels more than a mile.
The organizers of the ambush knew, of course, that the Secret Service
was inefficient, but they had never imagined that their reflexes were
that slow, and they had laid their plans in the assumption that
Kennedy's agents would react immediately. The tactical and ballistic
aspects of the operation, which we shall examine later, were based on a
hypothetical operating time of three seconds. This was the estimated
reaction time of Kennedy's bodyguards. But the President's driver could
have reduced it even more. The President's car was a Lincoln with a
souped-up engine specially designed for rapid accelerations, and we
shall see later how speed affects the accuracy of a gunman.
On November 18 in Tampa, the President ordered the two Secret Service
agents off the back bumper of his car. The men from the Committee noted
this change, which persisted at Fort Worth, San Antonio and Houston, but
they maintained their original plan, which took into account the
possibility of instantaneous intervention by the bodyguards.
The blame must be laid not so much on the Secret Service agents as on
their chiefs, and on the White House assistant responsible for the
President's security. We have cited only their most glaring errors, but
there were others -- less important perhaps, but characteristic of their
lack of discipline, such as their drinking on duty. (11) Abraham
Bolden, the only Negro in the Presidential bodyguard, asked to testify
before the Warren Commission on the subject of some of these
accusations, but the Committee refused to hear him. Later, he was fired
from the Secret Service on grounds of professional incompetence.(12)
The Secret Service was guilty of negligence, as the highly
respected Wall Street Journal commented. But its agents were
professionals, and they recognized the work of other professionals. They
were the first in the President's entourage to realize that the
assassination was a well organized plot. They discussed it among
themselves at Parkland Hospital and later during the plane ride back to
Washington. They mentioned it in their personal reports to Secret
Service Chief James Rowley that night. Ten hours after the
assassination, Rowley knew that there had been three gunmen, and perhaps
four, at Dallas that day, and later on the telephone Jerry Behn
remarked to Forrest Sorrels (head of the Dallas Secret Service), "It's a
plot." "Of course," was Sorrel's reply. Robert Kennedy, who had already
interrogated Kellerman, learned that evening from Rowley that the
Secret Service believed the President had been the victim of a powerful
organization.
President Kennedy was dead, but the Secret Service was never officially
inculpated. There were several staff changes in the White House detail,
but two agents, Youngblood and Hill, were decorated. Because it
reinforced its thesis, the Warren Commission blamed the Presidential
guards, but a soldier is worth no more than his commanding officer, and
the heads of the Secret Service were not worth much.
As for Ken O'Donnell, ex-captain of the Harvard rugby team, at Dallas he was up against a team that played rough.
NOTES: Texans
1. Discovered by the Dalmatian engineer Luchich. His associates
Galey and Guffey eased him out and formed a partnership with the richest
man in Western Pennsylvania, Andrew W. Mellon. Other petroleum
properties near Spindletop were ceded to certain Texas politicians in
exchange for their support, in particular to former Governor Jim Hogg.
This concession gave birth to the Texas Company. Spindletop was also the
birthplace of American Shell. After a time, Andrew Mellon eased out
Guffey and reorganized his company under the name of Gulf Oil.
2. WASHINGTON, Jan. 9, 1968 (UPI) -- President Johnson's home state of
Texas, which only a few years ago ranked seventh among states getting
prime defense contracts, now has nosed out New York for no. 2 spot,
Pentagon showed today.
California still holds along lead in first place, but its percentage of
total contract awards during the fiscal year that ended last June 30 has
now slipped to 17.9. Texas got 9.5 percent of the contracts and New
York 8.7 percent.
During fiscal 1966, the percentages were: California 18.3, New York 8.9,
and Texas 7.2. And as recently as 1962, the percentages for the three
were: California 23.9, New York 10.7, and Texas 4.0, with Massachusetts,
Connecticut, New Jersey and Ohio ahead of Texas that year.
But Texas has moved up steadily since Mr. Johnson moved into the White
House, thanks in large part to the controversial F-111 fighter-bomber
(formerly the TFX).
Nearly a third of the contracts Texas received during fiscal 1967 --
just under $1.2 billion worth -- were for the F-111, which is being
produced by General Dynamics Corp. at Fort Worth.
3. Texas is the fifth state in the nation in terms of population (after
New York, California, Pennsylvania, and Illinois), but it is by far the
richest in terms of natural resources. In 1963, the mineral production
of Texas totaled $4,413,084,000.
Texas accounts for 35% of the crude oil and 42% of the natural gas
produced in the United States. Louisiana, whose petroleum resources are
exploited in large part by companies based in Texas, produced
$2,662,061,000 worth of mineral products. The combined oil production of
Texas and Louisiana equals 35% of the national total.
4. This percentage was only 12.7% for the state of New York, and 10. I%
for the state of Illinois, despite their poorer natural resources.
5. Texas (10,228,000 inhabitants and a revenue of $21,451 billion in
1963) had in 1964 121,376 federal employees, 24 times more than the
state of Wyoming (339,000 inhabitants and a revenue of $834 million, and
5,175 federal employees), and 17 times more than the state of Nevada
(389,000 inhabitants, $1,246 million in revenue, and 7,039 federal
employees). Ohio, with a population and revenue comparable to Texas
(10,000,000 inhabitants and $25,164 billion) had only 88,785 federal
employees. As for Delaware (480,000 inhabitants), it had only 3,624
federal employees, more than 40 times fewer than Texas, for there is a
certain minimum of personnel required by any administrative
infrastructure.
Statistics concerning the increase in federal employees per state since
1939 provide a further illustration of the favoritism shown the state of
Texas:
Total federal employees
| 1939:
|
967,765
|
| 1960:
|
2,372,580
|
| Texas
|
1939:
|
29,818
|
|
|
1960:
|
112,647 (increase of 380%)
|
| Wyoming
|
1939:
|
3,335
|
|
|
1960:
|
4,695 (increase of 140%)
|
| Nevada
|
1939:
|
3,053
|
|
|
1960:
|
5,842 (increase of 190%)
|
| New York
|
1939:
|
97,155
|
|
|
1960:
|
179,784 (increase of 190%)
|
6. 17,744 miles. California has 9,653 miles of highways, New York 10.700. Illinois 10,995.
7. In Texas, the Justice of the Peace is an elected magistrate, and not, as in the East, a minor functionary.
8. In the city of Dallas alone, there were 120 "official" murders in 1960, and 810 "accidents."
9. Texas ranks 39th in the nation in terms of the amount spent on education.
High school graduates in 1963: Texas -- 0.8% ; Mississippi -- 1%
High school students in 1964: Texas -- 6% ; Mississippi -- 10%
10. The population of Texas is 80% Protestant, 19% Catholic, and 1% Jewish.
11. The state of Illinois has 1,030 banks, New York 479, and California 200.
12.
| Incomes
|
Texas ranks in the nation
|
| less than $2,000
|
13th
|
| $2,000 to $3,000
|
17th
|
| $3,000 to $4,000
|
17th
|
| $4,000 to $5,000
|
30th
|
| $5,000 to $6,000
|
38th
|
| $6,000 to $7,000
|
34th
|
| $7,000 to $9,000
|
33rd
|
| $10,000 and over
|
30th
|
13. Nevertheless, there is a strong opposition to the oil interests
in Texas. It is made up of people who are more interested in the good
of their country than the state of their pocketbooks, and who are more
American than Texan, together with a certain number of progressive labor
leaders. But this opposition comprises only one-third of the voters.
14. Contrary to the statistics published by Fortune in March 1968,
which place John Paul Getty and Howard Hughes at the top of the list.
15. Hunt has written three other books of the same type: Fabians Fight
Freedom, Why Not Speak? and Hunt for Truth. He also writes a daily and
weekly newspaper column.
16. Bainbridge, The Super-Americans.
17. Playboy, 1966.
18. The assets of General Electric, the fourth largest American
corporation, equaled $4,851, 718,000 in 1966, or one-third of the assets
of Standard Oil of New Jersey, the largest corporation in the world,
more than Standard Oil of California, and half again as much as American
Shell or Standard of Indiana.
19. The man who is probably the richest oil producer after Hunt, Roy
Cullen of Quintana Petroleum, has only about a million dollars.
20. The Dallas headquarters of Placid Oil are located at 2500 First
National Bank Building. H. L. H. Products are located at 700 Mercantile
Bank Building, but most of Hunt's businesses are grouped at 1401 Elm
Street: Hunt Oil Co., Hunt Petroleum Corp., Hunt Caroline Trust Estate,
Hunt H. L., Hunt H. L. Jr., Hunt Hassie Trust, Hunt International
Petroleum Company, Hunt Lamar, Hunt Lamar Trust Estate, Hunt Margaret
Trust Estate, Hunt N. B., Hunt Nelson Bunker, Hunt W. H., Hunt William
Herbert Trust Estate, etc.
21. Described by the Internal Revenue Service as a person "who holds
the management and exploitation rights and is responsible for production
costs."
22. Not only the Placid Oil Corp. of Shreveport, but Baker Oil Tools
(Dallas and California), the Harry W. Bass Drilling Co. (Dallas), the
Empire Drilling Co. (Dallas), the Mid-Continent Supply Co., United
Tools, the Hudson Engineering- Corp., the Nation and Geophysical Co.,
the New Seven Falls Co., and the First City National Bank of Dallas.
23. Which included former Generals like Courtney Whitney and Bonner
Fellows, and also certain of their disciples, such as the brilliant
Lawrence Bunker.
24. Texas had as many as ten John Birch Society chapters, mainly in Dallas and Houston.
25. Commander of the China Theater (1944-46), Chief of Staff of
Generalissimo Chiang Kai Shek, then Deputy Chief of Staff for Plans and
Combat Operations (1947-48).
26. Commander of the US Naval Forces in Korea (1948-50).
27. Of which he, like General Wedemeyer, was a member.
28. Hunt lives modestly, buys ready-made suits, drives his own
standard-make cars, dislikes private planes, cuts his own hair, and
carries his lunch to work in a brown paper bag.
NOTES: Secret Service
1. We estimate the cost of the preparation, the assassination itself
and the post-assassination clean-up at between $5 and $10 million.
Contributions varied between $10,000 and $500,000, and there were about
100 beneficiaries.
2. Manchester, Death of a President.
3. When the President travels abroad, the police of the host country
are responsible for his security. In general, they take greater
precautions than those taken in the United States.
4. The California and New York police are considered relatively reliable.
5. Secret Service agents are less qualified on the average than FBI
agents. They earn between $600 and $1,000 a month, considerably less
(even with overtime pay) than J. Edgar Hoover's men.
6. The security officers charged with the protection of President De
Gaulle even take the precaution of photographing the VIPs received by
him or who are in contact with him, for example at the VIP Waiting Room
at Orly Airport. The crowds lining the streets during a parade are also
photographed at vital spots before he passes, and if De Gaulle stops and
approaches the crowd, a camera follows his every move. Later, these
photographs are carefully studied.
Whenever De Gaulle travels by car, he is protected by 47 motorcycle
policemen spread out in rows. Several police cars precede and follow the
Presidential vehicle, and the car immediately following the President
contains a sharpshooter and a photographer equipped with an automatic
Japanese camera similar to a Robot. When de Gaulle makes shorter,
routine trips, he is protected by a smaller force of 8 motorcycle
policemen who surround the car.
There were only 4 motorcycle policemen at Dallas and all were following
President Kennedy's car, making them totally ineffective. The role of a
motorcycle policeman in this case is (1) to make it difficult to fire
at the President from a crowd, and (2) to stop anyone who tries from
approaching the car . During a parade along the Champs Elysees in Paris,
a woman somehow managed to climb over the barriers and started towards
De Gaulle's car. She was carrying a bouquet of flowers and was
completely harmless, but the policeman who was supposed to be watching
the barriers at that point lost his job.
7. The Texas School Book Depository, the Dal-Tex Building, the Dallas
County Records Building, the Criminal Courts, and the Old Court House.
8. The Committee was also probably trying to throw the Secret Service off the scent.
9. The Protective Research Section, headed by Robert I. Bouck, had 65
offices across the country and 50,000 files on people who had threatened
the President. Between November 1961 and November 1963, it investigated
34 Texas residents and opened 115 other files on Texans. On November 8,
1963, the PRS spent ten minutes inspecting Dallas.
10. Clint Hill reached the back of the President's car 2.6 seconds
after the final shot. The shooting lasted about 7 seconds. At least
twelve seconds elapsed between the first shot and the instant when Hill
was in a position to cover the President's body. Vice-President Johnson
was covered by agent Youngblood in less than three seconds.
11. Several Secret Service agents were notorious alcoholics. The
regulations stipulate that any Secret Service agent found drinking on
duty will be fired forthwith, and when the President is traveling, his
agents are on duty 24 hours a day. But they were so little concerned
about Texas that four of them In the President's party sat and drank in a
Fort Worth bar until the wee hours of the morning on the day of the
assassination. A century earlier, President Lincoln's bodyguard had
sneaked off for a drink when Booth entered the Presidential box at
Ford's Theatre.
12. In 1967, Mr. Bolden was being held at the federal medical center in Springfield, Mo.
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