Tuesday, October 9, 2012

February 7, 2000: Aviation Thriller Novel Predicts Plane Hitting WTC and Other Events Similar to 9/11

strange? http://www.historycommons.org/context.jsp?item=a020700aviationthriller#a020700aviationthriller
’Blackout,’ by John J. Nance.’Blackout,’ by John J. Nance. [Source: Pan Books]Blackout, the new novel by aviation thriller writer John J. Nance, includes scenes which appear to predict aspects of the 9/11 attacks, such as a character suggesting the possibility of a Boeing 747 crashing into the World Trade Center because its pilots have been incapacitated by terrorists. [Nance, 2000, pp. 251, 320, 344-345; Associated Press, 8/24/2003] The novel’s storyline involves its two central characters, FBI agent Kat Bronsky and Washington Post reporter Robert MacCabe, investigating what has caused two American passenger jets to crash. It appears that terrorists are using a special ray gun stolen from the government to kill or blind pilots in midair, resulting in their planes crashing. [Publishers Weekly, 1/31/2000; Los Angeles Times, 4/16/2000]
FBI Agent Fears 747 Hitting WTC - In one scene, Bronsky explains to MacCabe her fear that the terrorists are “going to shoot down another airliner somewhere.” She says: “So who’s next? Are we going to get a seven-forty-seven impacting the World Trade Center in New York because the two pilots were neutralized on takeoff from Newark or Kennedy?” [Nance, 2000, pp. 319-320] Similar to this scenario, in the terrorist attacks on 9/11, the WTC will be hit by two Boeing 767s. [New York Times, 9/11/2001]
Agent Suggests Terrorists Profiting from Insider Trading - In a later scene, Bronsky suggests to MacCabe that the attacks against aircraft may be motivated by financial gain. She says: “How can you make lots of money from seriously undermining the airlines? How about selling their stock short or softening up the industry for financial takeovers?” She suggests the terrorists “may already be getting precisely what they want from collapsing airline market prices.” When asked if stock prices are down as a result of the plane crashes, Bronsky replies: “Big-time. As much as a 10 percent drop. If this continues, they’ll go into free fall.” [Nance, 2000, pp. 344-345] Similar to this scenario, evidence of possible insider trading will surface in the aftermath of 9/11, indicating that some people may have profited from having advance knowledge of the attacks. [CNN, 9/24/2001; 9/11 Commission, 7/24/2004, pp. 499] In the week before 9/11 there will be surges in the volume of put options, which pay off when a stock drops in price, purchased on the stocks of the parent companies of American Airlines and United Airlines, the airlines whose planes are targeted in the attacks (see September 6-10, 2001). [San Francisco Chronicle, 9/29/2001; 9/11 Commission, 7/24/2004, pp. 499] Also, in the month before 9/11 there will be a significant increase in short selling of stocks of those two companies, essentially betting that the value of the stocks will decrease (see Early September 2001). [San Francisco Chronicle, 9/22/2001; CNN, 9/24/2001] On the first day of trading following the attacks, the shares of the two companies will fall by 39 percent and 42 percent. [Associated Press, 9/18/2001]
Terrorist Has Name Similar to Alleged 9/11 Commander - Furthermore, one of the terrorists responsible for causing the plane crashes in Blackout is called “Ben Laren,” a name similar to (Osama) bin Laden, who allegedly orders the 9/11 attacks. [Nance, 2000, pp. 251]
Earlier Novel Described Plane Used as a Weapon - Nance, described by Publishers Weekly as “[a]rguably the king of the modern-day aviation thriller,” is a decorated Air Force pilot and a retired airline captain. He has extensive flying experience, having piloted jet aircraft including Boeing 727s, 737s, and 747s. He is also an internationally recognized analyst on matters of aviation safety and works for ABC News as an aviation consultant. [Publishers Weekly, 1/31/2000; Associated Press, 8/24/2003; ABC News, 1/6/2006] In his 1995 novel Pandora’s Clock, Nance in fact mentioned the possibility of a plane being used as a weapon by terrorists. In that novel, the deputy director of the CIA recalled an American-trained Iranian pilot, who is a member of a terrorist group, who had been caught “preparing to fly a MIG-29 fighter on a low-level suicide mission into Rome. His target had been the Vatican—and the Pope.” [Nance, 1995, pp. 144]
Entity Tags: John J. Nance

Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo, John Lennon's true assassin(?)

dots,dots,dots ..................

Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo, John Lennon's true assassin(?)

by Salvador Astucia, Dec. 30, 2004
(last updated Jan. 4, 2005)

Newly discovered information about doorman Jose Perdomo suggests he may have been John Lennon's true assassin and Mark David Chapman was merely a patsy who confessed to the crime while under the spell of relentless mind control techniques such as hypnosis, drug abuse, shock treatment, sleep deprivation, and so on. Perdomo was tasked to provide security for Lennon at the rock star's upscale apartment complex, the Dakota, the night of the murder. Records reveal a "Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo" (aliases: "Joaquin Sanjenis" and "Sam Jenis") was an anti-Castro Cuban exile and member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961, a failed CIA operation to overthrow Fidel Castro.


(Dec. 30, 2004) New information suggests the man tasked to protect John Lennon, on Dec. 8, 1980, may have in fact been his killer. Jose Perdomo is cited by multiple sources as the doorman on duty at Lennon's residence at the upscale Dakota apartment complex in Manhattan on the night the famous rock star was murdered. The following is a list of information I have collected about an individual named Jose Perdomo (also known as Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo) who sometimes uses the aliases, Joaquin Sanjenis and Sam Jenis:
  1. Jose Perdomo was the doorman at the Dakota on Dec. 8, 1980, the night Lennon was killed.
  2. Jose Perdomo was at the crime scene when the murder occurred.
  3. Jose Perdomo asked accused assassin Mark David Chapman, immediately after the shooting, if he knew what he had just done. Chapman replied that he had just shot John Lennon.
  4. Jose Perdomo told police Chapman was Lennon's assailant. One of the arresting officers, Peter Cullen, did not believe Chapman shot Lennon. Cullen believed the shooter was a handyman at the Dakota, but Perdomo convinced Cullen it was Chapman. Cullen thought Chapman "looked like a guy who worked in a bank."
  5. Jose Perdomo was an anti-Castro Cuban exile. Perdomo and Chapman discussed the Bay of Pigs Invasion and JFK's assassination a few hours before Lennon was killed. This suggests Perdomo was a member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961, a failed CIA operation to overthrow Fidel Castro.
  6. Cuban Information Archives reveal a "Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo" (aliases: Joaquin Sanjenis, Sam Jenis) was a member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961.
  7. Joaquin Sanjenis worked closely with convicted Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis (deceased) for about ten years on the CIA's payroll.
  8. Frank Sturgis claimed Joaquin Sanjenis died of natural causes in 1974; however, this was never confirmed by any other source. According to Sturgis, the CIA nurtured Sanjenis's anonymity and his family was not notified of his alleged death until after the funeral. Sanjenis may still be alive.
The following are explanations of the stated eight points and their origins:

Point # 1: Jose Perdomo was the doorman when Lennon was killed. This has been revealed in multiple sources; however, my research indicates that Perdomo's name was not publicly disclosed until over six years after Lennon's murder. (NOTE: If someone knows of an article or book about the murder, published prior to 1987, which mentions Jose Perdomo by name, please feel free to contact me with that information.) Surprisingly, the first stories in the New York Times (Dec. 9 & 10, 1980) failed to mention Perdomo by name, although they mentioned the "doorman" several times. On June 22, 1981, People Magazine published an article about Chapman, written by Jim Gaines. Again, the article mentioned the doorman but failed to identify Perdomo by name. In 1983, a member of the Beatles's management team, Peter Brown, published a book—co-written by Steven Gaines—entitled, The Love You Make: An Insider's Story of The Beatles. Not only did Brown and Gaines fail to identify Perdomo by name, they actually referred to the doorman by the wrong name: Jay Hastings. Hastings was a real person who worked at the Dakota and was on duty when Lennon was killed, but Hastings was not the doorman. Hastings was the desk clerk in the lobby which is different from the doorman. As far as I know, Hastings did not witness the shooting because he was in the lobby at his desk when the shooting occurred, and Lennon was shot outside, but ran inside the lobby and collapsed. Here is Peter Brown's and Steven Gaines' description of the shooting:

When John and Yoko left for the Record Plant at five pm John’s limousine was at the curb, instead of inside the entrance gates of the Dakota, and as he strode to his car, Chapman thrust a copy of the new album, Double Fantasy, into his hands. John obligingly stopped and signed the cover for him, "John Lennon, 1980." Another fan ran up and snapped a picture. Mark Chapman was ecstatic as John and Yoko got into the limousine and rode off. "Did I have my hat on or off?"

Chapman asked excitedly. "I wanted to have it off. Boy, they’ll never believe this back in Hawaii." John and Yoko returned to the Dakota at 10:50 pm in the limousine,
John was carrying the "Walking on Thin Ice" tapes. The tall security gates were still open, but again the limousine pulled to the curb, and John had to walk from the sidewalk. Yoko preceded him into the entranceway. Just as they passed into the dark recesses of the archway, John heard a voice call to him, "Mr. Lennon?"

John turned, myopically peering into the darkness. Five feet away, Mark Chapman was already in combat stance. Before John could speak, Chapman fired five shots into him.
 
Yoko heard the shots and spun around. At first she didn’t realize John had been hit, because he kept walking toward her. Then he fell to his knees and she saw blood. "I’m shot!" John cried to her as he went down on his face on the floor of the security office.

The Dakota doorman, a burly, bearded, twenty-seven-year-old named Jay Hastings, dashed around from behind the desk to where John lay, blood pouring from his mouth, gaping wounds in his chest. Yoko cradled John's head while Hastings stripped off his blue uniform jacket and placed it over him. John was only semi-conscious, and when he tried to talk, he gurgled and vomited fleshy matter.

While the police were called, Hastings ran outside to search for the gunman, but he didn’t have far to look. Chapman was calmly standing in front of the Dakota, reading from his copy of Catcher in the Rye. He had dropped the gun after the shooting. "Do you know what you just did?" Hastings asked him. "I just shot John Lennon," Chapman said quietly.
 
(Peter Brown & Steven Gaines, The Love You Make: An Insider's Story of The Beatles, 1983, ISBN 0-07-008159-X, McGraw-Hill, pp. 435-436)

Again, Brown and Gaines not only failed to identify Jose Perdomo as the doorman, they erroneously identified lobby desk clerk Jay Hastings as the doorman.

On February 23, 1987, People Magazine published another article about Chapman entitled, "The Man Who Shot Lennon," by Jim Gaines. Once again, the article mentioned the doorman but failed to identify Perdomo by name. It wasn't until March 2, 1987 that Gaines finally revealed the doorman's name as Jose Perdomo in an article for People entitled, "In the Shadows a Killer Waited." Gaines further described Perdomo as an "anti-Castro Cuban" who discussed with Chapman the Bay of Pigs Invasion and JFK's assassination before the shooting occurred. Here is an excerpt:

When [photographer Paul] Goresh left, Chapman had only the Dakota’s night doorman, Jose Perdomo, to keep him company. Jose was an anti-Castro Cuban, and they talked that night of the Bay of Pigs and the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
 
(James R. Gaines, People Magazine, March 2, 1987, "In the Shadows a Killer Waited," around p 64; article begins on p 50)

In 1989, two years after Gaines revealed Jose Perdomo's name to the public, Fenton Bresler published his renowned book entitled, Who Killed John Lennon?, which suggested Chapman was basically a nice guy, but the CIA had turned him into a programmed killer (aka, Manchurian Candidate) through the use of mind control. As far as I can determine, Bresler was the first person to mention Perdomo's name repeatedly in any book about Lennon's murder.

In 1992, Ray Coleman published a second edition of a biography entitled, Lennon: The Definitive Biography, which merely mentioned the doorman by his first name, Jose. (Ref. p 679)

Based on my research, the public first learned Jose Perdomo's identity from Jim Gaines' article, "In the Shadows a Killer Waited," published on March 2, 1987, in People Magazine. In other words, the public had been unaware of the identity of the mysterious doorman at the Dakota for six years and nearly three months after Lennon's murder. Whether it was done intentionally or not, Jim Gaines' article forced other writers and publishers to come clean and reveal the name of doorman Jose Perdomo to the public, something that was clearly a guarded secret.

Point # 2: Jose Perdomo was at the crime scene when the murder occurred. This was revealed immediately after Lennon's murder, but Perdomo's name was withheld from the public for over six years. The public knew about the doorman, but no one bothered to ask his name, and it was not voluntarily disclosed by the news media or the authorities for over six years.

Point # 3: Jose Perdomo asked Chapman, after Lennon had been shot, if he knew what he had just done. This is an area of considerable confusion or perhaps disinformation. The story was tossed around by several sources for years, but again, Perdomo's name was not released to the public until March 2, 1987 when Jim Gaines wrote an article about Chapman for People Magazine entitled, "In the Shadows a Killer Waited." In 1983, Peter Brown & Steven Gaines erroneously reported—in their book, The Love You Make—that it was Jay Hastings who asked the question, that Hastings was the doorman, something we now know is absolutely incorrect. (See excerpt from The Love You Make by Peter Brown et al in Point # 1.) Even so, Jim Gaines' article did not mention Perdomo asking Chapman if he knew what he had done. As far as I can determine, Fenton Bresler was the first person to specifically identify Jose Perdomo as the doorman who asked Chapman if he knew what he had done, to which Chapman replied, "I just shot John Lennon." (Ref. Bresler, p 230) Again, Perdomo had already been identified as the doorman by Jim Gaines, but it was Bresler who identified Perdomo specifically as the person who asked Chapman if he knew what he had done.

Point # 4: Jose Perdomo told police Chapman had shot Lennon. This assertion was not disclosed until about six years after Lennon's murder when Jim Gaines wrote an article about Chapman for People Magazine, on February 23, 1987, entitled, "The Man Who Shot Lennon." This article, however, did not mention Perdomo by name, it only referred to him as the doorman. It wasn't until the following month, on March 2, 1987, that Gaines finally released the identity of Jose Perdomo as the doorman. Here is an excerpt from "The Man Who Shot Lennon" (Feb. 23, 1987), by Jim Gaines, where Gaines describes how the "doorman" convinced NYPD patrolman Peter Cullen that Chapman was the assailant:

Patrolman Peter Cullen of New York’s 20th precinct was in the first police car to respond to the report of shots fired at the Dakota apartment house at 72nd Street and Central Park West. … His first thought was that the handyman was the shooter. When the doorman indicated it was Chapman, Cullen’s instincts were offended. "He looked like a guy who worked in a bank, an office. Not a loser or anything, just a guy out there trying to earn a living. I remember taking a look at him and saying, ‘Why? What did you do here?’ He really had no answer for it. He did say several times, ‘I’m sorry I gave you guys so much trouble.’ "
 
(James R. Gaines, People Magazine, Feb. 23, 1987, The Man Who Shot Lennon;" around p 59)

Point # 5: Jose Perdomo was an anti-Castro Cuban exile who discussed with Chapman, shortly before Lennon's murder, the Bay of Pigs Invasion and JFK's assassination. This assertion was made by Jim Gaines in the article entitled ""In the Shadows a Killer Waited," published on March 2, 1987 in People Magazine. (See Point # 1 for excerpt.)

Point # 6: "Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo" (aliases: Joaquin Sanjenis, Sam Jenis) was a member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961. This was revealed in the Cuban Information Archives website. (See "Sources" below for webpage address.)

Point # 7: Joaquin Sanjenis had worked closely with convicted Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis for about ten years on the CIA's payroll. This was revealed in 1981 by Warren Hinckle and William Turner in a book entitled, The Fish is Red: The Story of the Secret War Against Castro. The relationship between Sanjenis and Sturgis began around 1959 or 1960, according to Hinckle and Turner, when the CIA first began planning the Bay of Pigs Invasion to overthrow Castro. Here is an excerpt from The Fish is Red by Hinckle and Turner:

Sanjenis was an opportunistic little man who managed to punch a CIA meal ticket the rest of his life. When he met [Frank] Sturgis he was filling a bucket of rotten eggs which would become Operation 40—the secret police of the Cuban invasion force. The ultrasecret Operation 40 included some nonpolitical conservative exile businessmen, but its hard core was made up of dice players at the foot of the cross—informers, assassins-for-hire, and mob henchmen whose sworn goal was to make the counterrevolution safe for the comfortable ways of the old Cuba. They were the elite troops of the old guard within the exile movement, who made effective alliance with CIA right-wingers against CIA liberals in order to exclude from power any Cubans who wanted, albeit without Castro, Castro-type reforms from land redistribution to free milk for rural children. Their hero was Manuel Artime, who became the CIA's Golden Boy; their bogeyman was Manuel Ray, a progressive Cuban anticommunist who many observers agreed had the most effective underground in Cuba, but who was tossed aside like an old taco by the invasion planners.

Sanjenis got Sturgis a CIA mail drop and gave him the right phone numbers, and Sturgis agreed to coordinate his own operations with Sanjenis and work on a contract basis on special agency assignments. This working relationship extended for better than the next decade, until Sturgis and several other longtime Sanjenis operatives were caught in Watergate...

Frank Sturgis became one of many commuters to the Secret War. When his unlisted number rang, it was Joaquin Sanjenis, the Operation 40 commander, on the other end with an "If you choose not to accept this mission" type assignment. Sturgis was being used in an intelligence phase of Operation Mongoose [CIA covert operation to overthrow Castro] referred to as study flights. After Sanjenis's call he would drive to the airport, take off in his small plane, and fly a prescribed course that would deliberately penetrate Cuban airspace. Sturgis was a guinea pig to activate the coastal defense system that had just been installed by the Russians. Alerted by the drone of his engines and the blip on their radar screens, the Cubans would talk excitedly over the radio, start up tracking devices, and warm up night-fighting MiGs. The feared quatro boches—four-barreled antiaircraft guns aimed by radar—would point at the inky sky, and rocket crews would fix the intruder's position on target display boards...
 
(Warren Hinckle & William Turner, The Fish is Red: The Story of the Secret War Against Castro, 1981, Martin & Row Publishers, ISBN 0-06-038003-9, pp. 52-53, 118)

Point # 8: Frank Sturgis claimed Joaquin Sanjenis died of natural causes in 1974; however, this was never confirmed. This assertion was made in 1981 by Warren Hinckle and William Turner in a book entitled, The Fish is Red: The Story of the Secret War Against Castro. Here is an excerpt:

On a June morning in 1972, the week after the Watergate break-in, Joaquin Sanjenis left his modest import-export office in Miami's Cuban barrio and drove down SW Eighth Street to the Anthony Abrams Chevrolet Agency. Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo was a plain man of undifferentiated features, which was in his profession, an asset: He was a professional spy. His personality suited his work in that neither encouraged close personal relationships. His was a lonely life, sweetened by habitual cups of Cuban coffee; he looked forward to his forthcoming retirement, although he would not live long enough to enjoy it. It is testimony to the importance his employers gave to his carefully nurtured anonymity that when he died, of natural causes, in 1974, his family was not notified until after the funeral. Joaquin Sanjenis was, for over ten years, the head of the CIA's supersecret Operation 40 in Miami.

The wear of a decade of living in the shadows showed on the spy's face that morning as he drove into the automobile agency's service entrance. Sanjenis had launched scores of ships and planes on clandestine raids against Cuba and had sent hundreds of men on missions from which there had been no return. He was able to offer only the most mute of patriotic explanations to the bereaved families. There were no official missing-in-action reports in the Secret War against Cuba. It was Joaquin Sanjenis's job to keep his troops, as himself, faceless.
 
(Warren Hinckle & William Turner, The Fish is Red: The Story of the Secret War Against Castro, 1981, Martin & Row Publishers, ISBN 0-06-038003-9, pp. 307-308)

Whether Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo actually died in 1974, as Hinckle and Turner wrote, is a point worth challenging. What evidence did they present to support this claim? On page 354 of their book, under "Notes and Sources," they gave the following source for their claim that Sanjenis died in 1974: "Authors' interview with Frank Sturgis." How much faith should we place in Frank Sturgis' word, particularly on this critical point? Set aside that Sturgis is a convicted felon (Watergate burglary), as an employee of the CIA, Sturgis had plenty of reason to lie, particularly if Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo is/was the same person who worked as a doorman at the Dakota on the night John Lennon was murdered on December 8, 1980. Hinckle's and Turner's book, The Fish is Red, was published in 1981, in the year after Lennon's murder. Consequently, it makes sense that Sturgis would want to muddy the water a bit. In addition, Hinckle and Turner revealed the importance the CIA placed on Sanjenis's anonymity when they described his alleged death. They wrote: "It is testimony to the importance his employers [the CIA] gave to his carefully nurtured anonymity that when he died, of natural causes, in 1974, his family was not notified until after the funeral." Did Sanjenis really die of natural causes in 1974? There is plenty of reason to believe this claim was disinformation generated by Sturgis at the behest of the CIA. The CIA had every reason to lie in order to continue nurturing Sanjenis's anonymity, particularly after the murder of John Lennon.

Entry wounds on left side of Lennon's body
As I have stated in previous articles, Lennon's death certificate and autopsy report reveal that all four entry wounds were located on the left side of the body; however, Chapman was reportedly standing to Lennon's right and slightly behind him. (See attachment) Who was standing on Lennon's left? None other than professional killer Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo (aliases: Joaquin Sanjenis, Sam Jenis), otherwise known as Jose Perdomo, the doorman. (See attachment) And of course the crime was helped along by using fake witness Sean Strub to lie to reporters immediately after the shooting, creating the illusion that Chapman was guilty. (See attachment)

What about Chapman's confession?
False confessions are a common phenomenon which occur for a variety of reasons. Consequently, Mark David Chapman's confession must be viewed within that context since forensic evidence indicates he is innocent. Because Chapman confessed, he was not given a trial. Instead he was given a sentencing hearing where the judge gave him twenty years to life at Attica State Prison in New York. In 1966 the United States Supreme Court determined, in Miranda vs. Arizona, that police officers must recite Constitutional rights to anyone arrested for a criminal offense. This was done because the high court feared police coercion of suspects. The most notorious case of false confessions in modern times is the Central Park Jogger. In 1989 a woman was raped and severely beaten while jogging in Central Park. Five teenage boys, ranging from 14 to 16 years old, confessed to the crime and were subsequently imprisoned. In 2002 it was discovered that the true rapist was an older man, Matias Reyes, whose DNA matched that which was taken from the crime scene. It appears that Chapman is being treated in a similar manner as the convicted teenagers in the Central Park Jogger case.

Did Nixon order Lennon's murder?
Several writers have insinuated that President Richard M. Nixon sponsored Lennon's murder; however, I am unaware of any author who makes the charge outright. Several authors point to Nixon in a negative light, but no one makes a direct accusation. Examples include Gimme Some Truth: The John Lennon FBI Files, by Jon Weiner; John Lennon and the FBI Files, by Phil Strongman; and Who Killed John Lennon? by Fenton Bresler.

As previously stated, Bresler's book introduced the theory that Chapman might have been a Manchurian Candidate, although Bresler did not specifically blame Nixon for ordering the murder. Wiener's and Strongman's books focus on FBI surveillance of Lennon. They state that Nixon feared Lennon would perform at a political rally which coincided with the 1972 Republican Convention, potentially threatening Nixon's re-election. It is true that the FBI harassed Lennon, and that harassment led to immigration problems which prevented the British-born musician from establishing permanent residence in America for years. What these books generally do not tell readers is that, in a 1980 interview, Lennon flatly denied his intention to perform at an anti-Nixon rally. In the same interview, Lennon said it was Jerry Rubin who planted an erroneous story in the news media stating that he planned to participate in something of that nature (see Footnote). Neither Weiner's or Strongman's books focus on governmental conspiracy regarding Lennon's murder, but they promote the theme that Lennon was harassed by Nixon several years before the singer's death. Casual readers of these books may get the message that Nixon was behind Lennon's murder, but I have found no evidence to support such a theory.

Is there any truth at all to such a hypothesis? The short answer is No, in my opinion. My view of Nixon is closer to that of Len Colodny's and Robert Gettlin's as described in their 1991 book, Silent Coup: The Removal of a President, which argues that Nixon was set up in the Watergate Scandal because of his progressive foreign policy. If we view Nixon in this light, then he was just as much a victim of government harassment as Lennon.

But what about the Frank Sturgis connection? Didn't Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo and  Sturgis work together in the CIA during the Bay of Pigs Invasion and several years afterwards? Wasn't Sturgis a convicted Watergate burglar? Doesn't that mean Nixon was involved in Lennon's murder? Again, if we accept the Colodny-Gettlin hypothesis that the Watergate burglary was a means of sabotaging Nixon's presidency, then the Sturgis connection becomes less damaging to Nixon. In other words, it looks like the assassination engineers intentionally selected an assassin—Perdomo—with a direct connection to one of the Watergate burglarsFrank Sturgis—as a way of pinning Lennon's murder on Nixon as a fallback position should the crime begin to unravel. If someone would ever figure out that the doorman was the true assassin, Nixon would become the false sponsor of the crime. But no one ever suspected the doorman, until now, that is.

Reagan, the FBI snitch
Anthony Summers mentioned another troubling point in his book, Official and Confidential, which suggests Ronald Reagan was an active participant in Lennon's murder. Contrary to popular belief that Reagan was a nice guy, Summers portrayed him as a snitch, an FBI informant in the late 1940's, feeding information to J. Edgar Hoover regarding alleged Communist activities in the Screen Actors Guild and other Hollywood organizations. The following is an excerpt from Summers' book:

FBI file 100-382196 contains the lowdown on a minor Hollywood actor—"6'1" tall, weight 175 lbs, blue eyes and brown hair"—named Ronald Reagan. The future president, who was spending as much time on union activity as on acting, was on the board of HICCASP [Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee of Arts, Sciences, and Professions], which the FBI considered a Communist front. His brother Neil, however, was spying on HICCASP meetings for the Bureau, and warned Ronald it would be wise to resign. Instead, Ronald acted as an FBI stool pigeon, too.

Soon he was phoning his brother at midnight from a pay phone at the Nutburger stand on Sunset Boulevard, to pass on information about the latest HICCASP meeting. As the Bureau's Confidential Informant, code number T-10, Reagan took to calling FBI agents to his house under cover of darkness, to tell of "cliques" in the Screen Actors Guild that "follow the Communist Party line." He reeled off the names of the actors and actresses in question and, in an appearance arranged at Edgar's personal suggestion, did so again during a secret appearance before the Un-American Activities Committee.
 
(Anthony Summers, Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover, 1993, p 162)

Keep in mind that Lennon was killed one month after Reagan had been elected for his first term as president. With Reagan's rise to power, America had taken a dramatic turn to right-wing politics with the defeat of Democratic President Jimmy Carter. Reagan would eventually push the largest peacetime defense build-up in US history: the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), more commonly known as "Star Wars," named by its critics after the popular science-fiction movie. SDI/Star Wars proposed building a massive space-based defensive system to protect America against potential nuclear attacks from the Soviet Union. The most prominent advocate of SDI/Star wars was the late Edward Teller, one of the leading physicists who helped develop the atomic bomb, was a primary architect of the Hydrogen bomb, and continued to be an ardent promoter of nuclear weapons in general. When the Soviet Union existed, Teller was an ultra-right-wing Cold Warrior who opposed JFK's 1963 Test Ban Treaty. Teller was also an ardent Zionist.

Lennon was likely unaware of SDI/Star Wars because it wasn't publicly announced until 1983, but it is a safe bet he would have publicly protested the moment he learned of it, just as he successfully led the effortas a major rock starto turn public opinion against US involvement in Vietnam War in the late Sixties and early Seventies. So the best thing for the Star Wars crowd was a preemptive strike, kill Lennon before he had a chance to object. (See attachment) By using Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo as Lennon's assassin, a man linked to Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis, seeds had been planted to pin the crime on Nixon if the public ever learned Chapman was a patsy.


Lennon described his Immigration problems to David Sheff (Playboy Magazine) in a 1980 interview. Ironically, John placed more blame on leftists like Jerry Rubin than right-wing forces within the United States Government. The following is John's explanation, to David Sheff, of his Immigration problems:
 
SHEFF: Then what happened with Immigration?
 
LENNON: Jerry [Rubin] couldn't keep his damn mouth shut, as usual. He was already on the press, blabbing off. Jerry told Rolling Stone there was going to be a San Diego concert with John and Yoko and their friends. Even though we had no plan of going to San Diego, the Right must have been looking and said, "Anyone who seems to be powerful enough to be used by these crazy radicals is dangerous, so therefore, why have them here? They are foreigners. We don't need any more freaks. We got enough of our own."

I understand their feeling precisely. I don't agree with them, but I understand where they are coming from. So anyway, we learned a big lesson from the Left and the Middle and the Right during that period. That was our education in politics.

(David Sheff interview with John & Yoko; All We Are Saying: The Last Major Interview With John Lennon and Yoko Ono, pp. 116-117)


SOURCES:

Cuban Information Archives reveal a "Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo" (aliases: Joaquin Sanjenis, Sam Jenis) was a member of Brigade 2506 during the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961. See the following webpage:
Cached at:

All other sources are indicated in text.


Follow-up: Photos of Perdomo
Posted January 16, 2006

 
Jose Perdomo as he looked around 1980. This photograph was shown by NBC on a Dateline segment about John Lennon's murder, aired Nov. 18, 2005. The name of the segment was "The man who shot John Lennon."
 
Jose Perdomo as he looked around 1960. This photograph was shown in the Cuban Information Archives website; however, there were multiple people listed as Jose Perdomo on that site. About a year ago, this author was advised by researcher James Richards (via email) that the stated multiple listings of Perdomo were actually the same person. Richards further claimed that this photo was in fact Jose Joaquin Sanjenis Perdomo, Cuban spy and professional assassin.

http://www.jfkmontreal.com/john_lennon/Usenet/Perdomo.htm

Sirhan and the RFK Assassination Part I: The Grand Illusion


 
From the March-April, 1998 issue (Vol. 5 No. 3)

Sirhan and the RFK Assassination
Part I: The Grand Illusion


By Lisa Pease
This is the first of a two-part series dealing with Sirhan Sirhan’s current efforts to win an evidentiary hearing before the California State Supreme Court, and the evidence upon which that request is based. This part will focus on the evidence in the case, particularly as it relates to the gun, the bullets, and a little-known item referred to as Special Exhibit 10. The second part will deal with the question that must logically follow: If Sirhan didn’t kill Kennedy, then who did?
"If he isn’t guilty, it’s the sweetest frame in the world." – Los Angeles Deputy District Attorney John Howard, 1975

The Grand Illusion

Have you ever seen a master magician? Have you found yourself gasping in amazement asking half-aloud, "How did he do that?" You see a man step into a box on a hollow platform that’s immediately hoisted into the air. Within seconds, the man you saw get into a box that still hangs in front of you appears from behind you in the audience, walking down the aisle. Your eyes have convinced you this is not possible, because you saw the man get into the box. Yet there he is, the impossible made real. Such a trick is called a grand illusion, designed to confuse and deceive. Most enjoy being deceived in this manner; few want to puzzle the evidence through logically to the only possible conclusion of how such a trick has to be done. After all, the man cannot both be in the box and on the ground at the same time!
The assassination of Robert F. Kennedy is also a carefully constructed illusion, designed to confuse and obfuscate. Imagine what the eyewitnesses in the crowded pantry saw. Robert Kennedy had obviously been shot, and Sirhan was firing a weapon. Sirhan must have killed Kennedy. And yet, the physical evidence does not support this conclusion. Sirhan cannot have killed Kennedy any more than the magician could be both in the box and in the audience. It is not physically possible. And just as only another magician or an extremely perceptive observer can tell you the truth behind the box illusion, only the conspirators themselves or perceptive observers can throw light on the events of June 5, 1968.
The quantity of people who have seriously investigated the RFK assassination is surprisingly small, given the large number of people who have at some point or another devoted time and energy to learning the facts surrounding the assassination of Bobby’s older brother John. But what this small, dedicated group of citizens has uncovered is astonishing. The evidence they have uncovered deserves to be dealt with honestly in a court of law. In fact, a writ has been filed on Sirhan’s behalf and is before the California Supreme Court at the time of this writing. Sirhan’s family and legal representatives are asking the court to hold an evidentiary hearing, based on newly discovered evidence.
As this article will show, justice in this case has yet to be served. This author is aware that an extraordinary claim requires extraordinary evidence. Tireless researchers such as Bill Turner, Jon Christian, Greg Stone, Philip Melanson, Ted Charach, Rose Lynn Mangan and Sirhan’s own family have discovered much over the intervening years. Mangan in particular has come up with evidence that should properly cause any court to doubt the legitimacy of the case against Sirhan. This article owes much to her guidance through the snaking paths of contradictory evidence, and her assistance has been both generous and exacting.
In the case of Watergate, Deep Throat advised Bob Woodward to "follow the money." If Deep Throat had anything to say about this case, it would be "follow the bullets." Nothing is more important in a murder conviction than establishing that a certain person, by means of a certain gun and certain bullets, caused the death of another. The chain of evidence is critical in any such case. As will be shown, the chain of evidence here resembles not a chain at all, but a patchwork quilt made from squares of dubious origin. Hitler once wrote that the bigger the lie, the more likely people are to believe it, since few people can imagine telling so gross a lie. It is perhaps the size and nature of the lies in this case that have made the fictitious version of the event seem more plausible than the real one.
There is no quick way to tell the incredible story of this case. It defies abbreviated summation. Those who wish to learn the truth must first find within themselves the requisite patience and interest necessary to discover it.

June 5, 1968

Not long after midnight, on the morning of June 5, 1968, Senator Robert F. Kennedy finished up his victory speech at the historic Ambassador Hotel on Wilshire Boulevard in Los Angeles. He had just won the California primary in his effort to secure the Democratic nomination to be that party’s presidential candidate in November. As Kennedy was about to leave the stage, a fateful event occurred. LA Rams tackle Roosevelt Grier, who had been working with Kennedy’s California campaign, would tell the LAPD:
Well, first of all, we were up on the stage, and they said they was going off to the right of the stage, and at the last minute ... Bill Barry decided to change and go a different direction because people had found out which way the senator was going to go, and we had to go downstairs to another ballroom where people were waiting. This was a press gathering here, and so Bill Barry and someone else took the senator down and I was lifting Mrs. Kennedy down from the stairs and we started walking....1
As Kennedy left the podium, he walked down a ramp and entered a pair of swinging doors, heading east. Between the stage and the press area was the kitchen pantry, where food for guests at the Ambassador was prepared.
Maître d’ Karl Uecker gripped Kennedy’s right wrist with his left hand. Ace Guard Service employee Thane Eugene Cesar joined Kennedy as he went through the double doors into the pantry, touching his right elbow. Bill Barry, an ex-FBI man who was ostensibly serving as Kennedy’s bodyguard had fallen behind Kennedy as he entered the pantry.
As they headed east through the room, Kennedy stopped every few feet to shake the hands of hotel workers. The last hand he shook was that of busboy Juan Romero. Uecker pulled Kennedy as he moved forward. The tiny kitchen held, by official count, 77 people (including Sirhan and the shooting victims) who were possible witnesses to what happened next.
Uecker related that with Kennedy still in hand, he felt someone sliding in between himself and the steam table about two feet away from where he stood. Busboy Juan Romero and waiter Martin Patrusky saw Sirhan approach Kennedy, as did Lisa Urso, a San Diego high school student. Urso saw Sirhan push his way past her towards the Senator. She thought he was going to shake his hand, then saw a movement that made her stop in her tracks in frightened anticipation. Vincent DiPierro, a waiter who had observed Sirhan standing and talking to a pretty girl in a white, polka dotted dress earlier that night, heard someone yell "Grab him" a split second before the shots were fired. Somebody reported Sirhan saying, "Kennedy, you son of a bitch," and then firing at Kennedy with his hand outstretched.
Uecker felt Kennedy slip from his grasp as he fell to the ground. Screams were heard as bystanders Paul Schrade, William Weisel, Ira Goldstein, Erwin Stroll and Elizabeth Evans were hit by flying bullets. Kennedy suffered gunshot wounds in three different places, with a fourth bullet passing through his coat without entering the skin.
Uecker immediately grabbed Sirhan’s hand and forced it down onto the steam table. A swarm of men descended upon Sirhan, surrounding him, holding the gun. Decathlon champion Rafer Johnson, Grier, George Plimpton and others formed a barricade around Sirhan, one holding his head, another with a finger in the trigger to prevent additional shots, another grabbing Sirhan in a crushing bear hug.
Uecker and DiPierro reported initially hearing two shots, followed by a flurry. DiPierro told the LAPD, "I saw the first two go off. I saw them actually." Several witnesses reported hearing one or two shots, and then a pause. Then all hell broke loose. Witnesses not within eyesight of what was happening thought they were hearing balloons popping or firecrackers. Los Angeles photographer Boris Yaro, in a phone interview with Robert Morrow, recounted his memory of the event:
There was either one or two shots fired. O.K. And then, boom, boom, boom, boom, boom. There was a pregnant pause between those two because my initial impression was some jackass has set off firecrackers in here; because I got hit in the face with debris...And then it hit me. Oh, my God, it’s happened again.2
Sirhan was eventually subdued, and taken into police custody.
The police created a unit—originally named "Special Operations Senator," and renamed a week later "Special Unit Senator"—to investigate the circumstances surrounding the assassination. The unit put together the evidence that became the basis of the prosecution’s case against Sirhan.
Sirhan’s defense team stipulated to his guilt. The trial of Sirhan Bishara Sirhan was a trial solely for the purpose of determining his sentence, not whether or not he really was guilty of the crime. Sirhan himself, to the belief not only of his defense team but to the belief of the prosecution as well, truly could not remember the incidents of that night. His defense only offered that he had not been in control of his senses at the time of the killing. Not surprisingly, given such a defense, Sirhan was sentenced to death, a sentence which was commuted by the abolishment of the death penalty in California. The illusion was complete. A deranged lone gunman had killed another Kennedy. Most people, even those fairly knowledgeable about the John Kennedy assassination, assumed that this time, the truth was self-evident.
It is due to the success of this grand illusion that to date, there has never been a serious official investigation of the strange facts surrounding this case. It is the most politically incorrect of all cases. So many people saw Sirhan firing, and Kennedy fell just a short distance away. How could the truth be other than what it seemed? Could that many people have misrepresented the case to us, including Sirhan’s own defense team? Could officials now serving at the higher levels of our state government have really been accessories after the fact to a deliberate cover-up?
Ironically, as this article will show, it was the efforts of those who—by any means necessary—strove most to prove Sirhan guilty, who created the evidence that may yet serve to set him free.
Police, FBI and press photographers swarmed into the pantry, each recording in their own way what had transpired that night. The photos told a story that was opposite what the police and the District Attorney’s office was telling. There were too many bullets to be accounted for. To limit the record to the maximum number of bullets Sirhan’s gun could have fired, eight, the official account of what transpired had to be stretched in some extraordinary—and ultimately dishonest—ways.

The Great Waldo Pepper Bullets

The trajectory study conducted by the Los Angeles Police Department was so superficial for a case of this enormous magnitude and complexity as to be embarrassing to the professional reputation of that Department. – Paul Schrade3
One of the most ridiculed aspects of the John Kennedy assassination is the preposterous claim that one bullet created seven wounds. In that case, we are asked to believe that a bullet entered Kennedy’s back at a downward angle, exited from his neck (at an upward angle), turned around and went back down into Connally’s back, exited Connally’s chest, entered and exited (and shattered) Connally’s wrist to land, in near pristine condition, in his thigh, only to work its way out and to end up, undiscovered until by accident, on a cot in the hall of the hospital. This bullet, known among researchers by its Warren Commission exhibit number, CE399, has been called, appropriately, the "magic bullet." Science had been changed. No longer did bullets fly in straight paths; they imitated instead the paths of stunt pilot barnstormers such as the Great Waldo Pepper of movie fame.
The Robert Kennedy assassination requires not just one but several magic bullets to reduce the bullet count to eight. Without even getting into the evidence that there were more bullets than Sirhan’s gun could hold, let’s focus first on the route those eight supposedly took, according to the official LAPD summary.
As you will recall, five people were shot besides Kennedy, one of whom was shot twice; Kennedy himself was shot four times. Doesn’t that add up to ten bullets? Not if the LAPD could come up with some magic ones.
The bullet that pierced Kennedy’s coat without entering him took a path of roughly 80 degrees upwards. The bullet was moving upwards in a back to front path (as were all of Kennedy’s wound paths). But the LAPD figures this must be the bullet that hit Paul Schrade. Had Schrade been facing Kennedy, he would still not be tall enough to receive a bullet near the top of his head from that angle. But he was not standing in front of Kennedy. He was behind him by all eyewitness accounts, and as shown by the relative positions where the two fell after being hit.
For Sirhan alone to have made all the shots, we are asked to believe that one of the bullets that entered Kennedy’s coat just below the armpit exited up and out of the coat just below the seam on top of his shoulders, and then pulled a U-turn in midair to hit Schrade in the head. Schrade has been one of the most persistent in calling for a new investigation of this case for precisely this reason. He knows the report is incorrect, and if it’s incorrect, there had to be at least one more gun firing in the pantry.
Ira Goldstein had been shot twice, although one shot merely entered and exited his pant leg without entering his body. He was less fortunate on a separate shot, which entered his left rear buttock. But since there were no bullets to spare, according to the LAPD’s strict adherence to the eight-bullet scenario, the pant-leg bullet was made to do double duty. According to the LAPD, after passing through his pants, the bullet struck the cement floor and ricocheted up into Erwin Stroll’s left leg. The only bullet that seemed to take a plausible path was the one that hit Weisel in the left abdomen.
One of the big problems the LAPD had with the crime scene was the number of bullet holes in the ceiling tiles. Based on witnesses’ recollections, there were too many holes to account for. There are photos of the LAPD running strings through bullet holes in the ceiling to establish trajectories. Somehow, these had to be accounted for.
Elizabeth Evans had bent over to retrieve a shoe she had momentarily lost. Suddenly she felt something had hit her forehead. Medical reports confirm that the bullet entered her forehead below the hairline and traveled "upward", fitting the scenario she remembers. But because the LAPD needed to account for some of the bullet holes in the ceiling, they decided that a bullet from Sirhan’s gun had been fired at the ceiling, entered a ceiling tile, bounced off something beyond the ceiling tile, reentered the room through a different ceiling tile, and struck Evans in the forehead. This bullet must have pulled more of a hairpin turn then a U-turn, if the LAPD’s version and the medical reports are to be merged.
This left still one unaccounted for hole in the ceiling. Or rather, at least one. We don’t know how many holes there were because the tiles were destroyed. But the LAPD knew that there were more than two holes in the ceiling. One of the bullets that entered Kennedy passed straight through on a near vertical path, parallel to the one that entered the coat, but not the body, of Kennedy (the one that supposedly terminated its path in Schrade’s head). This bullet supposedly passed through Kennedy and continued on upwards into the ceiling. Since Kennedy was facing Sirhan, and the bullet entered back to front, that would aim the bullet into the ceiling nearly directly above Sirhan’s head, according to witness placements of Kennedy and Sirhan. And indeed, there was a tile removed from that very spot. But Sirhan’s arm is not the many feet long it would have taken to reach around Kennedy to shoot him from behind, while standing several feet in front of the Senator.

More than Eight Bullets = Two (or More) Guns = Conspiracy

As we have seen, the official police reports strove to present a plausible scenario for where each bullet went. And even if one accepts the accounts above as legitimate, despite the important difficulties in those trajectories, the problem is bigger still. There is a substantial amount of evidence to show that more than eight bullets had been fired in the pantry that night. And if there were more than eight bullets, Sirhan was not a deranged, lone gunman, but somehow part of a conspiracy which has yet to be officially acknowledged.
Evidence of additional bullets surfaced nearly immediately. On June 5, an AP photo was published showing two police officers pointing at something in the center frame of the swinging doors that led into the pantry. The caption read, "Bullet found near Kennedy shooting scene". In 1975, Vincent Bugliosi, who was then working with Schrade to get the case reopened, tracked down the two police officers depicted in the photograph. To that time their identity had been unknown. Bugliosi identified the two officers as Sgt. Charles Wright and Sgt. Robert Rozzi. Both Wright and Rozzi were sure that what they observed was not only a bullet hole, but a hole containing a bullet.
If the hole contained a bullet, then it would have been the ninth bullet, since seven bullets had been recovered from victim wounds and the eighth was to have disappeared into the ceiling (necessary to account for acknowledged holes in the ceiling tiles). So any additional bullet presented a serious problem for those wishing to state there was no conspiracy.
In a declaration filed with the courts, Bugliosi stated:
Sgt. Rozzi had told me and he told me unequivocally that it was a bullet in the hole and when I told him that Sgt. Rozzi had informed me that he was pretty sure that the bullet was removed from the hole, Sgt. Wright replied "There is no pretty sure about it. It definitely was removed from the hole, but I do not know who did it."
Shortly after the assassination, the LAPD removed the doorjambs and ceiling panels in the Ambassador Hotel and booked them into evidence. One has to wonder why someone would tear off a doorframe or book a ceiling panel into evidence if it contained no evidence of bullets.
Investigative reporter Jonn Christian found a Chicago Tribune article authored by Robert Weidrich. Weidrich had evidently been in the pantry as the doorjamb was being removed, for his account contained the following information:
On a low table lay an 8-foot strip of molding, torn by police from the center post of the double doors leading from the ballroom. These were the doors through which Sen. Kennedy had walked....Now the molding bore the scars of a crime laboratory technician’s probe as it had removed two .22-caliber bullets that had gone wild.4
Philip Melanson contacted Weidrich in December of 1988. To that point Weidrich had not been aware of the controversy surrounding the number of bullets in the pantry. He told Melanson that the police in the room had been "amazingly cooperative", answering his questions and allowing him access. At that point, neither the police nor any reporters present could have known how significant additional bullet holes would be.
Amongst a great deal of additional evidence that will not be discussed here, perhaps the strongest piece supporting the contentions of Rozzi and Wright came from the FBI. The FBI had taken their own photos of the pantry after the assassination. Three photos in particular have been particularly important to this discussion, photos E-1, E-2, and E-3. The official FBI report of these photos labels them as follows:
E-1 View taken inside kitchen serving area showing doorway area leading into kitchen from the stage area. In lower right corner from the photo shows two bullet holes which are circled. The portion of the panel missing also reportedly contained a bullet.
E-2 A close up view of the two bullet holes of area described above.
E-3 Close up view of two bullet holes which is located in center door frame inside kitchen serving area and looking towards direction of back of stage area.
Bullets do not create bullet holes in wood frames behind victims, exit those holes in the reverse direction, and then circle around to enter victims from the front! There is no way to account for these holes using the existing victim wounds. Two bullet holes in the doorframe would make 10 bullets overall at a minimum.
This particular point so worried the County of Los Angeles that in 1977, Investigator Robert Jackson, writing for Chief Administrative Officer Harry L. Hufford, asked the FBI for any clarification they might offer regarding these photos. The full text of this interesting letter is included here:
Dear Sir:
In the course of an inquiry by the Los Angeles Count Board of Supervisors into certain aspects of the physical evidence at the Senator Robert F. Kennedy assassination, questions have arisen concerning certain FBI photographs. These photographs, purportedly taken by Special Agent Greiner and numbered E-1, E-2, E-3 and E-4, are captioned "bullet holes".
If these were, in fact, bullet holes, it could be inferred that more than one gun was fired in the pantry during the assassination. Mr. Allard Lowenstein, Ambassador to the United Nations, among others, has maintained that a possibility exists that another assassin was present. Mr. Lowenstein and other critics of the official version have referred to the above photographs as representing the official opinion of the FBI inasmuch as the captions are unequivocal in stating "bullet holes".
If the captions had said possible, probable, or apparent bullet holes, one could assume that no precise examination had taken place at the time the photographs were taken. However, the captions would lead one to believe that a determination had been made by someone with the requisite knowledge and skills.
The dilemma we are faced with is that the photograph captions are being used as evidence of the official FBI position in the absence of any other official stated position.
If more bullets were fired within the pantry than Sirhan Sirhan’s gun was capable of holding; we should certainly find out who else was firing. If, in fact, the FBI has no evidence that the questioned holes were bullet holes, we should know that so that the air may be cleared.
It is therefore requested that the official position of the FBI regarding these bullet holes be relayed to this office.
Thank you for your cooperation.5
To date, no record of any formal reply to this appears to have surfaced. In addition, new corroboration for this evidence came in 1975, when Vincent Bugliosi tracked down Martin Patrusky, a waiter at the Ambassador and an eyewitness to the shooting. Patrusky gave Bugliosi a signed statement describing all the events he could recall that related to the assassination and its aftermath. He recounted being at the hotel when a few days after the assassination, the LAPD arrived to do a reconstruction of the crime. Patrusky wrote, "Sometime during the incident, one of the officers pointed to two circled holes on the center divider of the swinging doors and told us that they had dug two bullets out of the center divide."6
One final witness whose credibility is hard to shake is FBI agent William Bailey, who stated in an affidavit that he and several other agents of the FBI noted at least two small caliber bullet holes in the center divider. He added, in refutation to the hilarious claim that these holes were made by food carts, "There was no question in any of our minds as to the fact that they were bullet holes and were not caused by food carts or other equipment in the preparation room."
Inexplicably, not only has the LAPD denied that there were additional bullet holes in the pantry, they destroyed the evidence that could have proven their claims true! On June 27, 1969, a destruction order was issued for the ceiling panels and doorjambs which had been removed from the Ambassador and booked into evidence.7 Given that the AP photograph was circulated on June 5, 1968, it seems beyond the realm of plausibility that such an order could have been given in ignorance of the suspicions that would surely surround the doorjamb and ceiling panel evidence.
Ten bullets (and likely more) would indicate that at least two guns were being fired in the pantry that night, and that a conspiracy had been at work. But if more guns were firing, why didn’t anyone report this? Or did they?
....
The rest of this article can be found in The Assassinations, edited by Jim DiEugenio and Lisa Pease.
(Go to Part II of this Article)

Notes

1. Robert A. Houghton with Theodore Taylor, Special Unit Senator (New York: Random House, 1970), p. 42
2. Robert Morrow, The Senator Must Die (Santa Monica: Roundtable Publishing, Inc., 1988), p. 279. Morrow was sued by a person he claims in this book was the real killer, using a special camera that was rigged to fire bullets (Morrow is himself an ex-CIA operative who claims to have known of such weapons). Morrow lost his suit. I viewed footage of the Ambassador from that night and found that Morrow’s suspect did not even enter the pantry at the time of the shooting, but was clearly visible on the stage the Senator had left, with camera still in hand. As a result of this lawsuit, the judgment required Morrow to destroy all remaining copies of this book. I am including the quote here on the assumption that Morrow has accurately represented Yaro’s comments to him in the transcript included in his book, and primarily because Yaro’s statements correspond to the record of that of other witnesses at this moment.
3. Paul Schrade in a 1975 petition to the Superior Court of California.
4. Philip Melanson, The Robert F. Kennedy Assassination (New York: SPI Books, 1994) p. 55.
5. This letter, dated November 2, 1977, appears on the last microfilm reel of the SUS files from the California State Archives (SUS hereafter.) I have yet to find any official response in any of the files I have viewed. Philip Melanson discovered this letter and wrote about it The Robert F. Kennedy Assassination (pp. 46-47). He pursued this by writing the FBI in 1985. He received a response from Assistant Director William M. Baker, who stated, "Neither the photographic log nor the photographs were ever purported to be a ballistics report," an interesting non-denial of the evidence.
6. Turner and Christian, The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1993), p. 350.
7. Turner and Christian, p. 178, citing LAPD Deputy Chief Daryl Gates in an August 22, 1975 NBC network interview.
8. From Ted Charach’s video, The Second Gun.
9. LAPD Interview of Sandy Serrano, 4:00 a.m., June 5, 1968, p. 12. On p. 15 she explains that by "boracho" she didn’t mean he was drunk, but that he "looked messy" and "he looked like he didn’t belong there."
10. LAPD Interview of Sandy Serrano, 2:35 a.m., June 5, 1968, p. 27.
11. Dan Moldea, The Killing of Robert F. Kennedy (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1995), p. 40.
12. APB from SUS files. This one was dated 6/5/68, and was not cancelled until 6/21/68.
13. Telephone and Radio Transmissions Log (H-XIII), Radio transmission, reel 6 from the California State Archives SUS Files Microfilm Collection (SUS hereafter). The man who knocked over the people while running out of the room was Michael Wayne, a curious figure to be discussed in the second half of this article (to follow in the next issue of Probe).
14. Houghton, p. 32.
15. Melanson, The Robert F. Kennedy Assassination, p. 33.
16. Turner and Christian, Copy of Patrusky’s signed statement, p. 350.
17. Klaber and Melanson, Shadow Play: The Murder of Robert F. Kennedy, the Trial of Sirhan Sirhan, and the Failure of American Justice (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997, p. 96.
18. The New York Times (2/15/69), p. 12.
19. Klaber and Melanson, p. 96.
20. LAPD Interview of Richard Aubrey, June 5, 1968, p. 16.
21. Melanson, p. 33.
22. Klaber and Melanson, p. 96.
23. LAPD case summary, p. 25.
24. As a side note to those who follow the John Kennedy assassination, it’s interesting to find the reappearance of Pierre Finck, one of the autopsists in the John Kennedy assassination, as well as Russell Fisher. Fisher was the Maryland Coroner who made the preposterous claim that a bound, gagged, and weighted man found in the ocean was really a suicide victim, the sensitively positioned CIA officer William Paisley. Fisher’s improbable verdict of suicide prevented what would have led to an uncomfortable examination that could have embarrassed the CIA. Fisher, in 1968, was part of the Clark Panel, a panel convened to examine the autopsy photographs from the John Kennedy assassination. The Clark panel had suspicious origins, and was timed to discredit the growing voices critical of the Warren Report, as well as the investigation of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison. Both Finck and Fisher provided advice and assistance in the autopsy of Robert Kennedy.
25. Klaber and Melanson, p. 94.
26. New York Post¸5/21/75.
27. Klaber and Melanson, p. 102, citing Sir Gerald Burrard, The Identification of Firearms and Forensic Ballistics (New York: A.S. Barnes, 1962), pp. 154-155.
28. Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. III, p. 494.
29. Houghton, p. 266.
30. Houghton, p. 266.
31. Jack Gallivan’s Testimony, Sirhan Trial Transcript, p. 3351.
32. Bill Barry’s Testimony, Sirhan Trial Transcript, p. 3451.
33. Ibid.
34. Morrow, p. 279. No fingerprints of any kind were recovered from the gun, despite it having been held by Sirhan, Grier, Johnson, Barry, and others at the shooting range earlier that day.
35. Roosevelt Grier’s Testimony, Sirhan Trial Transcript, p. 3310.
36. Mangan’s record of a conversation she had with Rafer Johnson during a chance meeting. He told her he had the gun number, and gave her his unlisted number, saying if she called he would read to her the number. Mangan called many times after that, but Rafer’s mother always answered, and always told her he was not available, but that she would take a message.

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Sirhan and the RFK Assassination Part II: Rubik's Cube


 
From the May-June, 1998 issue (Vol. 5 No. 4)

Sirhan and the RFK Assassination
Part II: Rubik's Cube


By Lisa Pease

In Part I of this article, we saw that Sirhan could not have shot Kennedy. Indeed, there is a great deal of evidence to suggest that Sirhan was firing blanks. If Sirhan did not shoot Kennedy, who did? Why? And how is it that Sirhan’s own lawyers did not reveal the evidence that he could not have committed the crime for which he received a death sentence?
Before one considers the above issues, one larger issue stands out. If Sirhan did not kill Kennedy, how has the cover-up lasted this long? In the end, that question will bring us closer to the top of the conspiracy than any other. No matter who was involved, if there were a will to get to the bottom of this crime, the evidence has been available. The fact that no official body has ever made the effort to honestly examine all the evidence in this case is nearly as chilling as the original crime itself, and points to a high level of what can only be termed government involvement. In the history of this country and particularly the sixties, one entity stands out beyond all others as having the means, the motive, and the opportunity to orchestrate this crime and continue the cover-up to this very day. But the evidence will point its own fingers; it remains only for us to follow wherever the evidence leads.

Cover-Up Artists

It has often been said that a successful conspiracy requires not artful planning, but rather control of the investigation that follows. The investigation was controlled primarily by a few key LAPD officers and the DA. Despite Congressman Allard Lowenstein’s efforts, no federal investigation of this case has ever taken place. In other words, a small handful of people were capable of keeping information that would point to conspirators out of the public eye. The Warren Commission’s conclusions were subjected to intense scrutiny when their documentation was published. Evidently the LAPD wanted no such scrutiny, and simply refused to release their files until ordered to do so in the late ’80s.
SUS members predominantly came from military backgrounds.1 Charles Higbie, who controlled a good portion of the investigation, had been in the Marine Corps for five years and in Intelligence in the Marine Corp. Reserve for eight more. Frank Patchett, the man who turned the Kennedy "head bullet" over to DeWayne Wolfer after it had taken a trip to Washington with an FBI man, had spent four years in the Navy, where his specialty was Cryptography. The Navy and Marines figured prominently in the background of a good many of the SUS investigators. The editor of the SUS Final Report, however, had spent eight years of active duty with the Air Force, as a Squadron Commander and Electronics Officer.
Two SUS members were in a unique position within the LAPD to control the investigation and the determination of witness credibility: Manuel Pena and Hank Hernandez. Pena had quite the catbird seat. A chart from the LAPD shows that all investigations were funneled through a process whereby all reports came at some point to him. He then had the sole authority for "approving" the interviews, and for deciding whether or not to do a further interview with each and every witness. In other words, if you wanted to control the flow of the investigation, all you would have to do is control Lt. Manuel Pena.
In a similarly powerful position, Sgt. Enrique "Hank" Hernandez was the sole polygraph operator for the SUS unit. In other words, whether a witness was lying or telling the truth was left to the sole discretion of Hernandez. Some people mistakenly think that a polygraph is an objective determiner of a person’s veracity. But a polygraph operator can alter the machine’s sensitivity to make a liar look like a truth teller, or a truth teller look like a liar. In addition, the manner of the polygraph operator will do much to assuage or create fear and stress in the person being polygraphed. In addition, no less than William Colby himself said it is possible to beat the machine with a few tricks. For these and other reasons, no court in America allows the results of polygraph tests to be used as evidence. But Hernandez’s polygraph results were given amazing weight in the SUS investigation. Indeed, his tests became the sole factor in the SUS’s determination of the credibility of witnesses.
Because of their prominent roles in the cover-up, the background of Pena and Hernandez has always been of special interest. Pena has an odd background indeed. His official SUS information states he served in the Navy during WWII and in the Army during the Korean War, and was a Counterintelligence officer in France. According to Robert Houghton, he "spoke French and Spanish, and had connections with various intelligence agencies in several countries."2 Pena also served the CIA for a long time. Pena’s brother told the TV newsman Stan Bohrman that Manny was proud of his service to the CIA. In 1967, Pena "retired" from the LAPD, leaving to join AID, the agency long since acknowledged as having provided the CIA cover for political operations in foreign countries. Roger LeJeunesse, an FBI agent who had been involved in the RFK assassination investigation, told William Turner that Pena had performed special assignments for the CIA for more than ten years. LaJeunesse added that Pena had gone to a "special training unit" of the CIA’s in Virginia. On some assignments Pena worked with Dan Mitrione, the CIA man assassinated by rebels in Uruguay for his role in teaching torture to the police forces there. After his retirement from the LAPD (and a very public farewell dinner) in November of 1967, Pena inexplicably returned to the LAPD in 1968. 3
Hernandez had also worked with AID. During his session with Sandy Serrano, he told her that he had once been called to Vietnam, South America and Europe to perform polygraph tests. He also claimed he had been called to administer a polygraph to the dictator of Venezuela back when President Betancourt came to power.
One of Hernandez’s neighbors related to Probe how Hernandez used to live in a modest home in the Monterey Park area, a solidly middle-class neighborhood. But within a short time after the assassination, Hernandez had moved to a place that has a higher income per capita then Beverly Hills: San Marino. He came into possession of a security firm and handled large accounts for the government.
Another all-important position in the cover-up would necessarily have been the office of the District Attorney, then occupied by J. Evelle Younger. Evelle Younger had been one of Hoover’s top agents before he left the FBI to join the Counterintelligence unit of the Far East branch of the OSS.4
Under these three, credible leads were discarded. Younger wrote off the problem of Sirhan’s distance as a "discrepancy" of an inch or two, when in fact the problem was of a foot or more. Truthful witnesses were made to admit to impossible lies under Hernandez’s pressure-cooker sessions. Pena took a special interest in getting rid of the story of the girl in the polka dot dress. But no investigation could be considered fully under control if one did not also have control over the defense investigators. Sirhan’s defense lawyers could not be allowed to look too deeply into the contradictory evidence in the case.

The "Defense" Team

Despite the late appearance of the autopsy report (after the trial had already commenced), its significance was noted and reported to Sirhan’s lead attorney, Grant Cooper by Robert Kaiser. Why did Cooper not act on this very important information? Was Cooper truly serving Sirhan, or was Cooper perhaps beholden to a more powerful client? What of the others on Sirhan’s team? Just what kind of representation did Sirhan receive?
Several people were key to Sirhan’s original defense. These were—in order of their appearance in the case—A. L. "Al" Wirin, Robert Kaiser, Grant Cooper, Russell Parsons, and Michael McCowan. Who were these people?
Upon Sirhan’s arrest, he asked to see an attorney for the ACLU. Al Wirin showed up. In 1954, Wirin had brought a suit against the LAPD over the legality of some of the department’s wiretapping methods.5 Most people might expect that a lawyer for the ACLU would care a great deal about the rights of the accused; that’s what the American Civil Liberties Union is supposed to be all about. But that evidently wasn’t Abraham Lincoln Wirin’s style. Consider the following information from Mark Lane:
On December 4, 1964, when I debated in Southern California with Joseph A. Ball... [of the Warren Commission and] A. L. Wirin....Wirin made an impassioned plea for support for the findings of the commission....He said, his voice rising in an earnest plea:
"I say thank God for Earl Warren. He saved us from a pogrom. He saved our nation. God bless him for what he has done in establishing that Oswald was the lone assassin."
The audience remained silent. I asked but one question: "If Oswald was innocent, Mr. Wirin, would you still say, ‘Thank God for Earl Warren’ and bless him for establishing him as the lone murderer?" Wirin thought for but an instant. He responded, "Yes. I still would say so."6
Wirin has made a number of claims, including that Sirhan confessed the assassination to him. Given the evidence, such a confession is of little value, since no matter what Sirhan thought, he could not have been the shooter. But more troubling is the fact that an ACLU lawyer would share a comment made by a prisoner in confidence to what he thought was a legal representative there to help him. And when Sirhan requested a couple of books relating to the occult shortly after his arrest, Wirin felt the need to report this to the media.
How Robert Blair Kaiser entered the case is a bit fuzzy. According to Melanson and Klaber, Wirin commissioned Kaiser to approach Grant Cooper. But according to Kaiser, he had injected himself into the case right after the assassination. Upon hearing of the assassination, he claimed he "choked, cried, cursed, and, instead of sitting there weeping in front of the TV, tried to do something." His something was to call Life magazine’s LA Bureau, where he "found that the bureau needed [his] help and tried to get on the track of the man who shot Kennedy."7
One of Kaiser’s first acts on the case was to interview Sirhan’s brother Saidallah in his Pasadena apartment on the night of June 5th, less than 24 hours after RFK had been shot. Kaiser brought along Life photographer Howard Bingham, who tried to take Saidallah’s picture. Saidallah did not want his picture taken.8 Saidallah later filed a police report detailing an incident later that night after Kaiser’s visit. The LAPD record states:
At approximately 11:30 p.m. he heard someone kick on his front door. He answered the door and just as he unlocked the screen, the door was kicked open. A man rushed through the door and struck [Saidallah] Sirhan in the cheek with his fist and stated, "Damn it, we’re gonna kill all you Arabs."...The man stated, "If you don’t give your photograph to Life, we’re going to take it from you." He took a photograph of Sirhan from a small table and walked out of the apartment. Another man was with the one who entered Sirhan’s apartment, but he did not enter.
Kaiser claims this event never happened. But how could he know? On a strange note, Kaiser gave Sirhan a copy of Witness, the book detailing Whittaker Chambers’ account of "exposing" Alger Hiss.9
Kaiser initiated contact with Sirhan by calling Wirin to ask if he could get him in to see Sirhan. During the call, Kaiser mentioned that he had discussed the case with Grant Cooper, a well-known Los Angeles criminal attorney. When Wirin heard Kaiser knew Cooper, Wirin asked Kaiser to urge Cooper to help Sirhan. Curiously, Sirhan had also picked out Cooper’s name when shown a list of lawyers. It seemed everyone wanted Cooper in this case, including Cooper himself.
Cooper had an interesting background. He had, but a year earlier, gone all the way to Da Nang, Vietnam to defend a Marine corporal on a murder charge before a military court. Why would a Los Angeles lawyer fly all the way to Vietnam to defend a man in military court? Answered Cooper, "I’d never been asked to defend a man before a military court before."10 This highly paid lawyer with no reported proclivities for lost causes nonetheless agreed to take on Sirhan’s case, even though the family had virtually no money to offer for Sirhan’s defense. He couldn’t do so immediately, however, as he was busy defending an associate of Johnny Roselli in the Friar’s Club card cheating scandal. Roselli was hired by Robert Maheu to head up the CIA’s assassination plots against Castro. Roselli spent time at JMWAVE, the CIA’s enormous station in Miami, training snipers among other activities.11 Cooper’s client was also accused by another associate of Roselli’s, of having passed him money to pay for a murder.12
As Probe readers saw in Jim DiEugenio’s landmark piece about how the CIA worked hand in hand with Clay Shaw’s attorneys to undermine New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s investigation of John Kennedy’s murder, the CIA maintained a "Cleared Attorneys’ Panel" from which they could draw trustworthy, closemouthed representation as needed.13 When someone as knowledgeable as Roselli of the CIA’s innermost secrets is being defended, one would assume that the CIA would go to great lengths to provide him legal assistance. Cooper was in direct and extensive contact with Roselli’s lawyer James Cantillion. In connection with this case, Cooper himself obtained stolen grand jury transcripts by bribing a court clerk, a very serious (not to mention illegal) offense. In addition, Cooper had twice lied to a federal judge. Frankly, Cooper sounded more like a candidate for the CIA’s Cleared Attorneys’ Panel than for the role of a justice crusader. The notion that he would volunteer to defend Sirhan at a time when his own legal troubles were raging around him is preposterous. Something besides pity for a penniless, guilty-looking client was likely motivating Cooper.
While Cooper was waiting to finish the Friar’s Club case, Wirin showed Cooper a list of attorneys that included the names of Joseph Ball and Herman Selvin. Curiously, it was Ball and Selvin who had participated with Wirin in the debate with Mark Lane (all three defending the Warren Report against the attacks of Mark Lane). Ball and Selvin were Cooper’s first choices, but they turned him down.14 Two others on the list included Russell E. Parsons and Luke McKissack. Cooper chose Parsons, saying he did not know McKissack, but that he had " worked with Russ before."15 (McKissack was later to become a lawyer for Sirhan.16) Parsons immediately accepted defending this "poor devil in trouble," as he characterized Sirhan.17 For whatever strange reason, LAPD files record Russell Parsons as having an alias: Lester Harris.18 Perhaps that was a remnant from his days as a Mob lawyer.19
Parsons, in turn, brought Michael McCowan into the case as a private investigator. McCowan was an ex-Marine, an ex-cop and an ex-law student.20 Michael McCowan had been expelled from the LAPD in the wake of his dealings with David Kassab and others who were running a land scam deal in the San Fernando Valley in 1962. In the SUS files, there are continual references to the "Kassab Report", a report of an investigation into "alleged ties between the J.F.K. and the R.F.K. assassinations." The report itself is nowhere to be found. Listed as being in the report are names such as Clay Shaw, Lyndon B. Johnson, John F. Kennedy, Jim Braden, Russell Parsons, and many others of interest to assassination researchers. The report is over 900 pages long, according to page references scattered among these files. Why was such a massive report compiled? Why do so many references to it appear in the SUS files? And why has the full Kassab report been suppressed to this day?
McCowan had other problems to bring to the table beyond the Kassab deal. A former girlfriend of his notified the police that he kept a large stash of weapons in his residence. The police issued an order to investigate whether the weapons represented "loot" from other crimes, but asked that the investigation be kept quiet. At the time McCowan entered the Sirhan case, he was on a three-year probation, having appealed a five-year sentence he received in conjunction with theft and tampering with U.S. mail.
Following his involvement in the Sirhan case, McCowan worked as a defense investigator for peace activists Donald Freed and Shirley Sutherland. Freed and Sutherland had been set up by a self-proclaimed former CIA Green Beret named James Jarrett. In March of 1969, Freed and Sutherland helped organize "Friends of the Black Panthers." Jarrett had infiltrated the group by offering training in the area of self-defense, as members of the group had experienced assaults and even rape. Freed asked Jarrett to buy him a mace-like spray to use for defensive purposes. Jarrett instead presented Freed a brown-paper wrapped box of explosives while wearing a wire and attempting to get Freed to say that the "stuff" was for the Panthers. Minutes after the exchange, agents of the FBI, LAPD and Treasury raided Freed’s home. Freed was charged with illegal possession of explosives. McCowan was hired by the defense as an investigator. McCowan in turn hired Sam Bluth to assist the defense. But Bluth worked instead as a police informant, stealing defense files and witness lists and proffering them to the police.21
Cooper had originally secured an initial agreement from yet another lawyer to participate in the case: the famous Edward Bennett Williams. Williams had represented the Washington Post during its Watergate coverage while also representing the target of the break-in, the Democratic National Committee. He had defended CIA Director Richard Helms when he was charged with perjury in the wake of the revelations about the CIA’s participation in the events surrounding the assassination of Allende in Chile. Williams in fact defended a number of CIA men.
Williams had also defended Jimmy Hoffa when Robert Kennedy was aggressively pursuing him. And he had the gall to ask Robert Kennedy’s personal secretary Angie Novello, recipient of the John Kennedy autopsy materials, to work for him after Robert was killed. Novello refused until Williams convinced her (rightfully or wrongly) that he and Bobby had made up in the wake of the Hoffa pursuit. In addition, Williams had defended Joseph McCarthy when he was under attack from the Senate. (Perhaps that is why Kaiser gave Sirhan Witness to read!) Lastly, and perhaps importantly, Williams had become good friends with Robert Maheu, the man who had hired Roselli to kill Castro on behalf of the CIA. Maheu himself appears to play a larger and more interesting role in the story of the RFK assassination, a point to which we’ll return. All in all, Williams was a most curious choice of Cooper’s, and one wonders what moved Williams to make even a tentative agreement to represent Sirhan.
When Williams bowed out, Cooper turned to Emile "Zuke" Berman. Berman’s biggest case had involved defending a Marine drill instructor who had led his troop into a fast-rising estuary. Six drowned in this incident. Berman was able to get the man’s sentence reduced to six months, and then obtained a full reversal from the Secretary of the Navy. Berman was later accused by Cooper of leaking the story of a proposed plea bargain (in which Cooper would plead Sirhan guilty to 1st degree murder in the hopes of avoiding a death sentence) to the press during the trial. (Judge Walker claimed he had been told the source was Kaiser.22) Berman was distressed that the Israeli/Palestinian battles were being given focus by the defense team during the case, and Kaiser was later to say Berman was "there in name and body only; his spirit wasn’t there."23
Now if you temporarily throw out any questions raised by the evidence that has just been presented, and focus solely on how well these people served Sirhan, the picture is grim indeed. On the key point of the lack of a clear chain of possession of the bullets, Cooper met with the prosecuting attorneys in Judge Walker’s chamber on February 21, 1969. The way Cooper gives in on an issue he has every reason to fight goes to the heart of the credibility of how well he defended his client. Here is the relevant section:
Fitts (Deputy DA): Now, there is another problem that I’d like to get to with respect to the medical. It is our intention to call DeWayne Wolfer to testify with respect to his ballistics comparison. Some of the objects or exhibits that he will need illustrative of his testimony will...not have adequate foundation, as I will concede at this time.
Cooper: You mean the surgeon took it from the body and this sort of thing?
Fitts: Well, with respect to the bullets or bullet fragments that came from the alleged victims, it is our understanding that there will be a stipulation that these objects came from the persons whom I say they came from. Is that right?
Cooper: So long as you make that avowal, there will be no question about that.
Fitts: Fine. Well, we have discussed the matter with Mr. Wolfer as to those envelopes containing those bullets or bullet fragments; he knows where they came from; the envelope will be marked with the names of the victims....24 [Emphasis added.]
Cooper would make many strange moves, allegedly in "defense" of Sirhan. He kept the autopsy photos from being presented in court under the notion that they would cause sympathy for Kennedy and arouse even more ire against his client. But that was the evidence that could have been used to absolve Sirhan of guilt in the case. But Cooper wasn’t looking for evidence of Sirhan’s innocence. In addition, Sirhan’s notebooks were found during an illegal search (a search authorized by Adel, but Adel had no legal authority to give such authorization) of Mary Sirhan’s house, where Sirhan was living at the time. Cooper had every reason to bar these notebooks from being admitted into evidence, but he chose not only to admit them into evidence, but even had Sirhan read portions of them from the stand. And it was Cooper who supplied Sirhan the motive he lacked, claiming that Sirhan was angry that RFK was willing to provide jets to Israel. Sirhan, lacking any memory of the crime or why he was there with a gun, readily accepted this in lieu of the only other explanation suggested to him, that he was utterly insane.
Kaiser involved himself with Sirhan’s defense team by negotiating a book contract, claiming that a portion of the proceeds could be used to pay the lawyers. In return for his access, he would work as an investigator for Sirhan. It was Kaiser who brought the distance problem regarding Sirhan’s position relative to Robert Kennedy’s powder burns to the attention of Sirhan’s defense team, albeit late in the game. Yet Kaiser believes that Sirhan and Sirhan alone fired all the bullets in the pantry. Kaiser was also the first to bring attention to the strange behavior of Sirhan during the crime that so strongly suggested to Kaiser that he was under some sort of hypnotic influence.
This issue is all-important to the question of Sirhan’s guilt. The ballistics and forensic evidence indicates clearly that there was a conspiracy. So wasn’t Sirhan a conspirator? Not necessarily. The question has always been this: did Sirhan play a witting, complicit role; or was he guided in some manner by others to the point where he was not in control of his actions and their consequences? This most serious issue was never brought up during Sirhan’s only trial.

The Question of Hypnosis

The defense team hired Dr. Bernard Diamond to examine Sirhan to ascertain his mental state, and to find out if Sirhan could be made to remember what happened under hypnosis. As soon as Diamond hypnotized Sirhan, he found that Sirhan was an exceedingly simple subject. In fact, Sirhan "went under" so quickly and so deeply that Diamond had to work to keep him conscious enough to respond. Kaiser recorded that the very first words that Sirhan spoke to Diamond when put under hypnosis were "I don’t know any people."25 Such rapid induction generally indicates prior hypnosis.
The tapes of Diamond’s hypnosis sessions reveal a man that sounds like he is more interested in implanting memories than recovering them. This has been well detailed in the literature elsewhere so I will not focus on it here. Diamond, however, argued against Kaiser’s notion that Sirhan had been somehow hypnotically in the control of another, and claimed Sirhan had hypnotized himself. But self-hypnosis rarely (if ever) results in complete amnesia. In addition, Sirhan "blocked" when asked key questions under hypnosis, such as "Did you think this up all by yourself?" (five second pause), and "Are you the only person involved in Kennedy’s shooting?" (three second pause).26 In hypnosis, blocks are as important as answers, in that they can indicate some prior work in that area. Skilled hypnotists can place blocks into the subject’s mind that prevent memory of actions undertaken and associations made while under hypnosis.
Dr. Eduard Simson-Kallas, the chief psychologist when Sirhan was at San Quentin Prison, remains convinced that Sirhan was hypnoprogrammed. He spent hours getting to know Sirhan, and when Sirhan talked about the case Simson-Kallas said it was as if he was "reciting from a book", without any of the little details most people tell when they are recounting a real event. Sirhan came to trust the psychologist, and asked him to hypnotize him. At this point, the psychologist was stopped by prison authorities who claimed he was spending too much time on Sirhan. Simson-Kallas resigned from his job over the Sirhan case. Simson-Kallas also said he had no respect for Diamond, who claimed both that Sirhan was schizophrenic, and that he was self-hypnotized. Schizophrenics cannot hypnotize themselves.27
The evidence that Sirhan was in some mentally altered state on the night of the assassination is plentiful. By his own account he had about four Tom Collinses. But not one person reported him as appearing drunk. Sandy Serrano, who had seen him walk up the back steps into the Ambassador had described him as "Boracho" but specifically explained that by that she didn’t mean drunk, but somehow out of place. Yosio Niwa, Vincent DiPierro and Martin Patrusky all saw Sirhan smiling a "stupid" or "sickly" smile while he was firing. Mary Grohs, a Teletype operator, remembered him standing and staring at the Teletype machine, nonresponsive, saying nothing, and eventually walking away. And then there was the issue of his incredible strength. Sirhan was a fairly small man, and he was able to hold his own against a football tackle and several other much larger men in the pantry. George Plimpton recalled that Sirhan’s eyes were "enormously peaceful". Plimpton’s wife said Sirhan’s "eyes were narrow, the lines on his face were heavy and set and he was completely concentrated on what he was doing." Joseph Lahaiv reported Sirhan was strangely "very tranquil" during the fight for the gun. Some have claimed Sirhan was simply tranquil because he was fulfilling his quest to kill Kennedy. But he didn’t kill Kennedy, and even if he did, such a premise would have required at least a recollection of having finally completed successfully the planned act, if not an exclamation of "Sic Semper Tyrannus". Sirhan, like the other "lone nut assassins" of the sixties, was neither jubilant nor remorseful. But he could not claim that he hadn’t shot Kennedy, because he truly didn’t remember anything from that moment.
Even at the police station, Sirhan’s conversation could only be termed bizarre. He would not tell his name, didn’t talk about the assassination, and was interested only in engaging in small talk with the frustrated officers around him. These trained officers tried every tactic they knew to get him to talk, but Sirhan remained silent on anything relating to his identity. When he was arraigned before the judge, he was booked only as "John Doe" until his identity was eventually discovered. This point worried the police; usually when a subject didn’t divulge his identity, it was a ruse to protect confederates, giving them a chance to get away.
An Arab doctor spoke Arabic to Sirhan, but obtained no response in recognition. Sheriff Pitchess would say of Sirhan that he was a "very unusual prisoner...a young man of apparently complete self-possession, totally unemotional. He wants to see what the papers have to say about him."28 At the station in the middle of a hot Los Angeles June night, Sirhan got the chills. He exhibited a similar reaction every time he came out of hypnosis from Diamond.
Sirhan’s family and friends insisted that Sirhan had changed after a fall from a horse at a racetrack where he was working as an exercise jockey. One of his friends from the racetrack, Terry Welch, told the LAPD that Sirhan underwent a complete personality change; that he suddenly resented people with wealth, that he had become a loner. After the fall, Sirhan was treated by a series of doctors. It’s possible that one of these doctors saw Sirhan as a potential hypnosis subject, and started him down a path that would end at the Ambassador hotel. Curiously, renowned expert hypnotist Dr. George Estabrooks, used by the War Department after Pearl Harbor, suggested planting a "doctor" in a hospital who could employ hypnotism on patients.29
The strange notebook entries, if they were indeed written by Sirhan, show certain phrases repeated over and over, including "RFK must die" and "Pay to the order of". Other words that pop up with no explanation, scattered throughout the writing, are "drugs" and "mind control". Diamond once hypnotized Sirhan and asked him to write about Robert Kennedy. Out came "RFK must die RFK must die RFK must die" and "Robert Kennedy is going to die Robert Kennedy is going to die Robert is going to die." When asked who killed Kennedy, Sirhan wrote "I don’t know I don’t know I don’t know."
Just hours after the assassination, famed hypnotist Dr. William Joseph Bryan was on the Ray Briem show for KABC radio, and mentioned offhandedly that Sirhan was likely operating under some form of posthypnotic suggestion. Curiously, in the SUS files there is an interview summary of Joan Simmons in which the following is listed:
Miss Simmons was program planner for a show on KABC radio and was contacted regarding allegations of Sirhan belonging to a secret hypnotic group. She stated that she knew nothing of a Doctor Bryant [sic] of the American Institute of Hypnosis or Hortence Farrchild. She was acquainted with Herb Elsman [the next few words are blacked out but appear to say "and considered him some right-wing extremist."]
Dr. Bryan was the President of the American Institute of Hypnosis, the headquarters of which were located on Sunset Boulevard in Hollywood. Bryan was famous for having hypnotized Albert De Salvo, the "Boston Strangler" and claimed to have discovered De Salvo’s motive under hypnosis. There is good reason to doubt that De Salvo was in fact the killer, according to Susan Kelly in her recent, heavily documented book The Boston Stranglers.30 And if he was not, that throws a more sinister light on Bryan’s overtly coercive involvement with De Salvo. Curiously, De Salvo was the topic of one of Sirhan’s disjointed post-assassination ramblings at LAPD headquarters, and references to "Di Salvo" and appear in Sirhan’s notebook.
Bryan, by his own account, had been the "chief of all medical survival training for the United States Air Force, which meant the brainwashing section."31 He also claimed to have been a consultant for the film The Manchurian Candidate, based on Richard Condon’s famous novel about a man who is captured by Communists and hypnotically programmed to return to the United States to kill a political leader. Condon’s novel was itself based upon the CIA’s ARTICHOKE program, which sought to find a way to create a programmed, amnesiac assassin. ARTICHOKE became MKULTRA.
Bryan bragged to prostitutes that he had performed "special projects" for the CIA, and that he had programmed Sirhan. Publicly, Bryan denied any involvement with Sirhan. Bryan was a brilliant but sometimes insufferable egotist who seems to have had a ready opinion on nearly any subject. But whenever Sirhan came up, with the exception of that first night, he uncharacteristically shut down and refused to discuss the case. It would appear that if Bryan was not himself directly responsible, he had some inside knowledge perhaps as to who was, and chose not to reveal it. Ultimately, the case for hypnosis does not rest on Bryan, and whether or not he worked on Sirhan has no bearing on the overall issue of Sirhan having been hypnotized.
After seeing the movie Conspiracy Theory, many people wondered if MKULTRA was indeed a real government program. Yes, Virginia, there was a sinister mind control program in which people were made to undergo hideous, obscene mental and physical tortures in the CIA’s quest for a way to create a Manchurian Candidate. It should be noted that Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, and surprisingly, the Rockefeller Foundation were instrumental in developing, supporting and funding the CIA’s various mind control programs.32
Most CIA doctors and hypnotists will claim that they never found success, that they could never program someone to do something against their will. Not true, argue others. On the latter point, the simple way to get someone to do something against their will is to alter their reality. Estabrooks had salient comments in relation to this point:
There seems to be a tradition that, with hypnotism in crime we hypnotize our victim, hand him a club, and say, "Go murder Mr. Jones." If he refuses, then we have disproven the possibility of so using hypnotism. Such a procedure would be silly in the extreme. The skillful operator would do everything in his power to avoid an open clash with such moral scruples as his subject might have.33...
Will the subject commit murder in hypnotism? Highly doubtful—at least without long preparation, and then only in certain cases of very good subjects....Yet, strange to say, most good subjects will commit murder....For example, we hypnotize a subject and tell him to murder you with a gun. In all probability, he will refuse....But a hypnotist who really wished a murder could almost certainly get it with a different technique....he hypnotizes the subject, tells the subject to go to [the victim’s place], point the gun...and pull the trigger. Then he remarks to his assistant that, of course, the gun is loaded with dummy ammunition [even though it is not].34
Under such a scenario, Estabrooks and other hypnotists are certain that creating a murderer is possible.
But even more to the point is a note John Marks makes in his book The Search for the Manchurian Candidate, which details the CIA’s efforts in this regard. He quotes a veteran CIA officer who says that while it would be highly impractical to program an assassin, due to the unpredictable number of independent decisions the subject might encounter which could lead to exposure before the deed was done, creating an assassin in this manner is also unnecessary, as mercenaries have been available since the dawn of time for this heinous act. Marks then adds the following:
The veteran admits that none of the arguments he uses against a conditioned assassin would apply to a programmed "patsy" whom a hypnotist could walk through a series of seemingly unrelated events—a visit to a store, a conversation with a mailman, picking a fight at a political rally. The subject would remember everything that happened to him and be amnesic only for the fact the hypnotist ordered him to do these things. There would be no gaping inconsistency in his life of the sort that can ruin an attempt by a hypnotist to create a second personality. The purpose of this exercise is to leave a circumstantial trail that will make the authorities think the patsy committed a particular crime. The weakness might well be that the amnesia would not hold up under police interrogation, but that would not matter if the police did not believe his preposterous story about being hypnotized or if he were shot resisting arrest. Hypnosis expert Milton Kline says he could create a patsy in three months; an assassin would take him six.35 [Emphasis added.]
Sirhan exhibited behavior during the trial that also appeared to indicate post-hypnotic suggestion. One day, two girls showed up in court that Sirhan identified as Peggy Osterkamp (a name that appeared frequently in the notebook) and Gwen Gumm. Sirhan became enraged at their presence and demanded a recess, asking to talk to the judge in chambers. The judge refused to hear Sirhan in chambers, and Sirhan, visibly fighting for self-control, said "I, at this time, sir, withdraw my original please of not guilty and submit the plea of guilty as charged on all counts." Asked what kind of penalty he wanted, Sirhan answered "I will ask to be executed," Asked why he was doing this, Sirhan replied, "I killed Robert Kennedy willfully, premeditatedly, with twenty years of malice aforethought, that is why." This ridiculous "confession" that a four-year old Sirhan was contemplating the murder of a man not yet famous almost half a world away strains credulity past the breaking point.
Making this even more bizarre is the fact that the two girls were not the two girls Sirhan said they were, but in fact two other people, identified by Kaiser as Sharon Karaalajich and Karen Adams. Sirhan’s extreme reaction to two people who were not the people he thought they were forced Kaiser to conclude that "Sirhan was in a kind of paranoid, dissociated state there and then...."36 It follows that if someone programmed Sirhan to be the perfect patsy, they would likely also have programmed a seemingly spontaneous "confession" that could be spouted at the appropriate time, triggered by some person or event.
In an interesting little book named 254 Questions and Answers on Practical Hypnosis and Autosuggestion, author Emile Franchel put forth some very interesting and relevant information on hypnosis. For example, asked how long a person could be held in a hypnotic state, Franchel replied: "With sufficient knowledge and skill on the part of the hypnotist, indefinitely." Asked whether the hypnotic state could always be detected, Franchel said no, not in all cases. Franchel referred to hypno-espionage without further explanation, and when asked what official government agencies he worked for, Franchel declined to answer. He stated that he felt he was a bit of a "black sheep" among associates, explaining, "I help the innocent as well as convict the guilty."
The following question and answer pair seemed particularly relevant to Sirhan’s case. Recall that Sirhan kept firing his gun, even while six big men were pounding him, causing a sprained foot and a broken finger.
Q: Reading about an assassination attempt recently, the report described how it took six or more bullets to stop each assassin. Could these assassins have been "conditioned" with hypnosis not to feel any pain?
A: Well, I am not sure who is going to like or dislike my answer to your question, but I read the same reports that you did. Unfortunately, I do not have access to any more official information. From what I read, I would conclude that they not only had been hypnotically conditioned to feel no pain, but in all probability were working, perhaps partly of their own free desires, but also under hypnotic compulsion, to complete a given mission.
The reports seem to clearly indicate that the assassins had to have a bullet placed in a vital organ to stop them. Bullets that hit anywhere else did not apparently deter them in any way.
For whatever reason, in this 1957 book, Franchel felt compelled to offer a warning regarding hypnosis and its usage:
[A:] The hypnotic techniques being employed at present make the hypnotic technicians of the ex-Nazi regime look like well meaning psychiatrists....
Q: Do I understand correctly, that you are saying that hypnotism is being abused, completely without regard to human rights?
A: You understand correctly. I am fully satisfied that hypnotic techniques are being used on a vast scale, both criminally and for other terrible reasons. Perhaps one day I might be permitted to tell you.
Q: I have heard you say many times during your television programs [Adventures in Hypnosis] that a subject under hypnosis "cannot be made to do anything that is against his moral or religious beliefs." How can you say that now?
A: I am afraid you have not been listening too closely to what I was saying. The only similar remark I have made is, "IT IS SAID that a person under hypnosis cannot be made to do anything that is against their religious or moral beliefs." I trust that the implication is clear.
It should be noted that hypnosis is considered dangerous enough that it is illegal to broadcast a hypnotic induction on television.
If Sirhan was indeed programmed, then his statements at the trial, his appearance at the shooting range hours before the assassination and his firing of a gun in the pantry may all have been actions carried out without the intervention of will. There is a strong possibility that Sirhan was not only hypnotized but additionally drugged by alcohol or some stronger substance. Frankel warned that drugs could shut down the conscious mind, preventing it from filtering what reaches the subconscious, adding:
With the conscious filter action removed, anything can be forced into the subconscious mind, which must obey it in one way or another, as the subconscious cannot argue but must believe all information reaching it, and use it.
Had Sirhan had a real trial, the possibility of his having been hypnotized may have provided reasonable doubt on the question of his guilt. But if Sirhan wasn’t guilty, then who was?
....
The rest of this article can be found in The Assassinations, edited by Jim DiEugenio and Lisa Pease.

Notes

1. The SUS files begin with biographies of all the SUS members, including military service information.
2. Robert A. Houghton with Theodore Taylor, Special Unit Senator (New York: Random House, 1970), pp. 102-3.
3. Jonn Christian and William Turner, The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1978), pp. 64-66.
4. Richard Harris Smith, OSS: The Secret History of America’s First Central Intelligence Agency (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), p. 20.
5. Frank Donner, Protectors of Privilege, p. 249. For his efforts, Wirin, a native-born Russian, was branded a Communist. One can only wonder at the effect that had on his career or his subsequent actions.
6. Mark Lane, Plausible Denial (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press), p. 52.
7. Robert Blair Kaiser, R. F. K. Must Die (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1970) p. 102.
8. Kaiser, pp. 103-104.
9. In Kaiser’s own book, he writes that he had been the one to recommend the book to Sirhan (p. 239). But in his January 17, 1969 article for Life magazine, Kaiser writes that Sirhan "requested" the book Witness. Similarly, in RFK Must Die Kaiser writes that Eason Monroe, the president of the ACLU, had called A. L. Wirin after the assassination with the suggestion that Wirin approach Sirhan (p. 60). But in the Life article, Kaiser implies that Adel Sirhan brought Wirin into the case.
10. Kaiser, p. 124.
11. Brad Ayers, The War That Never Was (Indianapolis: Bobs-Merrill, 1976) and private correspondence.
12. Klaber and Melanson, Shadow Play: The Murder of Robert F. Kennedy, the Trial of Sirhan Sirhan, and the Failure of American Justice (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997) p. 43.
13. CIA document dated 3/18/68 referencing the "cleared attorneys’ panel", quoted in Probe(7/22/97), p. 18.
14. Kaiser, p. 128.
15. Kaiser, p. 129.
16. McKissack was later removed from the Sirhan defense team and replaced with Godfrey Isaac.
17. Klaber and Melanson, p. 26.
18. SUS Files, Index Card under Russell E. Parsons.
19. Kaiser, p. 245. "In the forties...Russell Parsons was defending some well-known members of what is sometimes called The Mob...." See also the SUS final report (unredacted version), p.1430.
20. Kaiser, p. 152.
21. Frank Donner, Protectors of Privilege (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 261-263.
22. Klaber and Melanson, p. 72.
23. Klaber and Melanson, p. 72.
24. A copy of this transcript is provided by Lynn Mangan in her monograph on the case on p. 214 (p. 3967 of the original trial transcript). Sirhan was not present in chambers when this agreement was reached.
25. Kaiser, p. 296.
26. Kaiser, pp. 302-303.
27. Alan W. Scheflin and Edward M. Opton, Jr. The Mind Manipulators (New York: Paddington Press Ltd., 1978), p. 439.
28. Kaiser, p. 86.
29. Walter H. Bowart, Operation Mind Control (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1978), p. 58.
30. Kelly makes a good case for De Salvo’s innocence, and the guilt of his closest associate, George Nasser. The lawyer in that case was F. Lee Bailey, a friend of Bryan’s. Bryan helped Bailey on two other famous cases. F. Lee Bailey was later to defend a mind control victim named Patty Hearst. (Curiously, her father’s first two choices for a lawyer for her defense were Edward Bennett Williams and Percy Foreman, the notorious lawyer who coerced James Earl Ray into pleading guilty, an act Ray forever after regretted.)
31. Turner & Christian, p. 226, quoting Bryan’s KNX Radio Interview of February 12, 1972.
32. Allen Dulles’ and Richard Helms’ participation in these programs is well documented. Lesser known has been the role the Rockefeller family funds played in developing these horrific programs. The Rockefeller Foundation, for example, set up the infamous Allen Memorial Institute at McGill University in Montreal. See Thy Will be Done by Gerard Colby (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1995), p. 265.
33. George H. Estabrooks, Hypnotism (New York: Dutton, 1948), p. 172.
34. Estabrooks, p. 199.
35. John Marks, The Search for the "Manchurian Candidate" (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1979), 1991 paperback edition, p. 204.
36. Kaiser, p. 407.
37. Kaiser, p. 114 and SUS I-613.
38. Kaiser, p. 19.
39. Noted in the interview of Samuel Strain, SUS I-62.
40. Kaiser, p. 46.
41. Kaiser, p. 305.
42. The following account is taken from the SUS file on John Henry Fahey. This document is marked S.F.P.D. which presumably stands for the San Fernando Police Department. The interviewer is listed as "Fernando" and "Fdo", and is likely Fernando Faura, a journalist who was hot on the trail of the polka dot girl.
43. Kaiser, p. 174. This drawing is shown in Ted Charach’s video The Second Gun.
44. Kaiser, p. 175. Gugas is a past president of the American Polygraph Association.
45. Kaiser, p. 225.
46. Supplemental Report Khaibar Khan Investigation, SUS Files, prepared by R. J. Poteete.
47. "The Tehran Connection", Time 3/21/94.
48. Fred Cook, "Iranian Aid Story: New Twists to the Mystery", The Nation (5/24/65), pp. 553-4.
49. Cook, The Nation (4/12/65), p. 384.
50. SUS Interview of Michael Wayne (I-1096).
51. SUS files contain both proposed questions and actual questions/responses. There are several differences between sets of questions.
52. SUS Interview of William Singer (I-58-A).
53. SUS Interview of Gregory Ross Clayton (I-4611).
54. Turner and Christian, pp. 167-168, sourcing a KFWB transcript.
55. "Senator Felled in Los Angeles; 5 Others Shot", The Evening Star (6/5/68).
56. CIA memo to the Inspector General regarding DCD’s response to the Agency-Watergate File Review. Dated 24 April 1974; released 1994, CIA Historical Review Program.
57. "Regarding" may also have been used in the sense of "While looking at". In other words, Cesar may have shot Kennedy while not "regarding" him.
58. "Kennedy Expected Tragedy to Strike", Dallas Times Herald (6/6/68)
59. William Blum, Killing Hope (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1995), p. 102.

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