Poisoned and Marginalised? The Role of Agroecology in Resisting the Corporate Stranglehold on Food and Agriculture
This
crisis stems from food and agriculture being wedded to power structures
that serve the interests of the powerful agribusiness corporations in
the Western countries, especially the US. Over the last 60 years or so,
Washington’s plan has been to restructure indigenous agriculture across
the world. And this plan has been geopolitical in nature: subjugating
nations by getting them to rely more on US imports rather and grow less
of their own food. What happened in Mexico under the banner of ‘free
trade’ is outlined further on in this article.
Agriculture and food production and
distribution have become globalised and tied to an international system
of trade based on export-oriented mono-cropping, commodity production
for the international market, indebtedness to international financial
institutions (IMF/World Bank) and the need for nations to boost foreign
exchange (US dollar) reserves to repay debt (which neatly boosts demand
for the dollar, the lynch pin of US global dominance). This has resulted
in food surplus and food deficit areas, of which the latter have become
dependent on (US) agricultural imports and strings-attached aid. Food
deficits in the global South mirror food surpluses in the West.
Whether through IMF-World Bank structural adjustment programmes related to debt repayment, as occurred in Africa, bilateral trade agreements like NAFTA and its impact on Mexico or, more generally, deregulated global trade rules, the outcome has been similar: the devastation of traditional, indigenous agriculture.
Integral to all of this has been the
imposition of the green revolution. Farmers were encouraged to purchase
seeds from corporations that were dependent on petrochemical fertilisers
and pesticides to boost yields. They required loans to purchase these
corporate inputs and governments borrowed to finance irrigation and dam
building projects for what was a water-intensive model.
While the green revolution was sold to
governments and farmers on the basis it would increase productivity and
earnings and would be more efficient, we are now in a position to see
that it served to incorporate nations and farmers into a system of
international capitalism based on dependency, deregulated and manipulated commodity markets, unfair subsidies and inherent food insecurity.
As
part of a wider ‘development’ plan for the global South, millions of
farmers have been forced out of agriculture to become cheap factory
labour (for outsourced units from the West) or, as is increasingly the case,
unemployed or underemployed slum dwellers. And many of those who remain
in agriculture find themselves being steadily squeezed out as farming
becomes increasingly financially non-viable due to falling incomes, the
impact cheap subsidised imports and policies deliberately designed to run down smallholder agriculture.
Aside from the geopolitical shift in favour of the Western nations resulting from the programmed destruction of
traditional agriculture, the corporate-controlled, chemical-laden green
revolution has adversely impacted the nature of food, soil, human
health and the environment. Sold on the promise of increased yields,
this has been overstated. And the often stated ‘humanitarian’ intent and outcome (‘millions of lives saved’) has had more to do with PR rather than the reality of cold commercial interest.
Moreover, if internationally farmers
found themselves beholden to a US centric system of trade and
agriculture, at home they were also having to cater to the needs of a
distant and expanding urban population whose food needs were different
to local rural-based communities. In addition to a focus on export
oriented farming, crops were being grown for the urban market,
regardless of farmers’ needs or the dietary requirements of local rural
markets.
Impacts of the green revolution on the farm
In an open letter written
in 2006 to policy makers in India, farmer and campaigner Bhaskar Save
summarised some of the impacts of green revolution farming in India. He
argued that the actual reason for pushing the green revolution was the
much narrower goal of increasing marketable surplus of a few relatively
less perishable cereals to fuel the urban-industrial expansion favoured
by the government and a few industries at the expense of a more diverse
and nutrient-sufficient agriculture, which rural folk – who make up the
bulk of India’s population – had long benefited from.
Before,
Indian farmers had been largely self-sufficient and even produced
surpluses, though generally smaller quantities of many more items.
These, particularly perishables, were tougher to supply urban markets.
And so the nation’s farmers were steered to grow chemically cultivated
monocultures of a few cash-crops like wheat, rice, or sugar, rather than
their traditional polycultures that needed no purchased inputs.
Tall, indigenous varieties of grain
provided more biomass, shaded the soil from the sun and protected
against its erosion under heavy monsoon rains, but these very replaced
with dwarf varieties, which led to more vigorous growth of weeds and
were able to compete successfully with the new stunted crops for
sunlight. As a result, the farmer had to spend more labour and money in
weeding, or spraying herbicides. Moreover, straw growth with the dwarf
grain crops fell and much less organic matter was locally available to
recycle the fertility of the soil, leading to an artificial need for
externally procured inputs. Inevitably, the farmers resorted to use more
chemicals and soil degradation and erosion set in.
The exotic varieties, grown with
chemical fertilisers, were more susceptible to ‘pests and diseases’,
leading to yet more chemicals being poured. But the attacked insect
species developed resistance and reproduced prolifically. Their
predators – spiders, frogs, etc. – that fed on these insects and
controlled their populations were exterminated. So were many beneficial
species like the earthworms and bees.
Save
noted that India, next to South America, receives the highest rainfall
in the world. Where thick vegetation covers the ground, the soil is
alive and porous and at least half of the rain is soaked and stored in
the soil and sub-soil strata. A good amount then percolates deeper to
recharge aquifers or groundwater tables. The living soil and its
underlying aquifers thus serve as gigantic, ready-made reservoirs. Half a
century ago, most parts of India had enough fresh water all year round,
long after the rains had stopped and gone. But clear the forests, and
the capacity of the earth to soak the rain, drops drastically. Streams
and wells run dry.
While
the recharge of groundwater has greatly reduced, its extraction has
been mounting. India is presently mining over 20 times more groundwater
each day than it did in 1950. But most of India’s people – living on
hand-drawn or hand-pumped water in villages, and practising only
rain-fed farming – continue to use the same amount of ground water per
person, as they did generations ago.
More than 80% of India’s water
consumption is for irrigation, with the largest share hogged by
chemically cultivated cash crops. For example, one acre of chemically
grown sugarcane requires as much water as would suffice 25 acres of
jowar, bajra or maize. The sugar factories too consume huge quantities.
From cultivation to processing, each kilo of refined sugar needs two to
three tonnes of water. Save argued this could be used to grow, by the
traditional, organic way, about 150 to 200 kg of nutritious jowar or
bajra (native millets).
The colonisation of Mexico by US agribusiness
If Bhaskar Save helped open people’s eyes to what has happened on the farm and to ecology as a result of the green revolution, a2015 report by
GRAIN provides a wider overview of how US agribusiness has hijacked an
entire nation’s food and agriculture under the banner of ‘free trade’ to
the detriment of the environment, health and farmers.
In 2012, Mexico’s National Institute for
Public Health released the results of a national survey of food
security and nutrition. Between 1988 and 2012, the proportion of
overweight women between the ages of 20 and 49 increased from 25 to 35%
and the number of obese women in this age group increased from 9 to
37%. Some 29% of Mexican children between the ages of 5 and 11 were
found to be overweight, as were 35% of the youngsters between 11 and 19,
while one in 10 school age children suffered from anaemia. The Mexican
Diabetes Federation says that more than 7% of the Mexican population has
diabetes. Diabetes is now the third most common cause of death in
Mexico, directly or indirectly.
The various free trade agreements that
Mexico has signed over the past two decades have had a profound impact
on the country’s food system and people’s health. After his mission to
Mexico in 2012, the then Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food,
Olivier De Schutter, concluded that the trade policies in place favour
greater reliance on heavily processed and refined foods with a long
shelf life rather than on the consumption of fresh and more perishable
foods, particularly fruit and vegetables.
He added that the overweight and obesity
emergency that Mexico is facing could have been avoided, or largely
mitigated, if the health concerns linked to shifting diets had been
integrated into the design of those policies.
The North America Free Trade Agreement
led to the direct investment in food processing and a change in the
retail structure (notably the advent of supermarkets and convenience
stores) as well as the emergence of global agribusiness and
transnational food companies in Mexico. The country has witnessed an
explosive growth of chain supermarkets, discounters and convenience
stores. Local small-scale vendors have been replaced by corporate
retailers that offer the processed food companies greater opportunities
for sales and profits. Oxxo (owned by Coca-cola subsidiary Femsa)
tripled its stores to 3,500 between 1999 and 2004. It was scheduled to
open its 14 thousandth store sometime during 2015.
De Schutter believes a programme that
deals effectively with hunger and malnutrition has to focus on Mexico’s
small farmers and peasants. They constitute a substantial percentage of
the country’s poor and are the ones that can best supply both rural and
urban populations with nutritious foods. Mexico
could recover its self-sufficiency in food if there were to be official
support for peasant agriculture backed with amounts comparable to the
support granted to the big corporations.
In Mexico, the loss of food sovereignty
has induced catastrophic changes in the nation’s diet and has had dire
consequences for agricultural workers who lost their jobs and for the
nation in general. Those who have benefited include US food and agribusiness interests, drugcartels and US banks and arms manufacturers.
The writing is on the wall for other
countries because what happened in Mexico is being played out across the
world under the banner of ‘free trade’.
GMOs a bogus techno quick-fix to further benefit global agribusiness
Transnational agribusiness has lobbied for, directed and
profited from the very policies that have caused the agrarian/food
crisis. And what we now see is these corporations (and their supporters)
espousing cynical and fake concern for
the plight of the poor and hungry (and the environment which they have
done so much to degrade), and offering more (second or third generation…
we have lost count) chemicals and corporate-patented GM wonder seeds to
supposedly ‘solve’ the problem of world hunger. GM represents the final
stranglehold of transnational agribusiness over the control of seeds
and food.
The misrepresentation of the plight of the indigenous edible oils sector in
India encapsulates the duplicity at work surrounding GM. After trade
rules and cheap imports conspired to destroy farmers and the jobs of people involved in local food processing activities for
the benefit of global agribusiness, including commodity trading and
food processer companies ADM and Cargill, the same companies are now
leading a campaign to force GM into India on the basis that Indian
agriculture is unproductive and thus the country has to rely on imports.
This conveniently ignores the fact that prior to neoliberal trade rules
in the mid-1990s, India was almost self-sufficient in edible oils.
In collusion with the Gates Foundation, these corporate interests are now seeking to secure full spectrum dominance throughout
much of Africa as well. Western seed, fertiliser and pesticide
manufacturers and dealers and food processing companies are in the
process of securing changes to legislation and are building up logistics
and infrastructure to allow them to recast food and farming in their
own images.
Today, governments continue to collude
with big agribusiness corporations, which seek to eradicate the small
farmer and subject countries to the vagaries of rigged global
markets. Agritech corporations are being allowed to shape government
policy by being granted a strategic role in trade negotiations and are increasingly framing the policy/knowledge agenda by funding and determining the nature of research carried out in public universities and institutes.
Bhaskar Save:
“This country has more than 150 agricultural universities. But every year, each churns out several hundred ‘educated’ unemployables, trained only in misguiding farmers and spreading ecological degradation. In all the six years a student spends for an M.Sc. in agriculture, the only goal is short-term – and narrowly perceived – ‘productivity’. For this, the farmer is urged to do and buy a hundred things. But not a thought is spared to what a farmer must never do so that the land remains unharmed for future generations and other creatures. It is time our people and government wake up to the realisation that this industry-driven way of farming – promoted by our institutions – is inherently criminal and suicidal!”
At the end of the above quote, Save is
referring to the near 300,000 farmer suicides that have taken place in
India over the past two decades due to economic distress resulting from debt, a shift to (GM)cash crops and economic ‘liberalisation’ (see this report about a peer-reviewed study, which directly links suicides to GM cotton).
The current global system of
chemical-industrial agriculture, World Trade Organisation rules and
bilateral trade agreements that agritech companies helped draw up for
their benefit are a major cause of structural hunger, poverty, illness
and environmental destruction. By its very design, the system is
parasitical.
Agroecology as a credible force for change
Across the world, we are seeing farmers
and communities continuing to resist the corporate takeover of seeds,
soils, water and food. And we are also witnessing inspiring stories
about the successes of agroecology: a model of agriculture based
on traditional knowledge and modern agricultural research utilising
elements of contemporary ecology, soil biology and the biological
control of pests.
Reflecting what Bhaskar Save achieved on
his farm in Gujarat, the system combines sound ecological management,
including minimising the use of toxic inputs, by using on-farm renewable
resources and privileging endogenous solutions to manage pests and
disease, with an approach that upholds and secures farmers’ livelihoods.
Agroecology is based on scientific
research grounded in the natural sciences but marries this with
farmer-generated knowledge and grass-root participation that challenges
top-down approaches to research and policy making. It can also involve
moving beyond the dynamics of the farm itself to become part of a wider
agenda, which addresses the broader political and economic issues that
impact farmers and agriculture (see this description of the various modes of thought that underpin agroecolgy).
Last year the Oakland Institute released
a report on 33 case studies which highlighted the success of
agroecological agriculture across Africa in the face of climate change,
hunger and poverty. The studies provide facts and figures on how
agricultural transformation can yield immense economic, social, and food
security benefits while ensuring climate justice and restoring soils
and the environment. The research highlight the multiple benefits of
agroecology, including affordable and sustainable ways to boost
agricultural yields while increasing farmers’ incomes, food security and
resilience.
The report described how agroecology
uses a wide variety of techniques and practices, including plant
diversification, intercropping, the application of mulch, manure or
compost for soil fertility, the natural management of pests and
diseases, agroforestry and the construction of water management
structures. There are many other examples of successful agroecology and
of farmers abandoning green revolution thought and practices to embrace
it (see this report about El Salvador and this from South India).
Various official reports have argued
that to feed the hungry and secure food security in low income regions
we need to support small farms and diverse, sustainable agro-ecological
methods of farming and strengthen local food economies (see this report by the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food and this (IAASTD) peer-reviewed report).
Olivier De Schutter, former UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food:
“To feed 9 billion people in 2050, we urgently need to adopt the most efficient farming techniques available. Today’s scientific evidence demonstrates that agroecological methods outperform the use of chemical fertilizers in boosting food production where the hungry live especially in unfavorable environments.”
De Schutter’s report indicated that
small-scale farmers can double food production within 10 years in
critical regions by using ecological methods. Based on an extensive
review of the recent scientific literature, the study calls for a
fundamental shift towards agroecology as a way to boost food production
and improve the situation of the poorest. The report calls on states to
implement a fundamental shift towards agroecology.
The success stories of agroecology
indicate what can be achieved when development is placed firmly in the
hands of farmers themselves. The expansion of agroecological practices
can generate a rapid, fair and inclusive development that can be
sustained for future generations. This model entails policies and
activities that come from the bottom-up and which the state must invest
in and facilitate.
Proponents
of agroecology appreciate that a decentralised system of domestic food
production with access to local rural markets supported by proper roads,
storage and other infrastructure must take priority ahead of
exploitative international markets dominated and designed to serve the
needs of global capital. Small farms are per area more productive than large-scale industrial farms and create a more resilient, diverse food system.
If policy makers were to prioritise this sector and promote agroecology
to the extent ‘green revolution’ practices and technology have been
pushed, many of the problems surrounding poverty, unemployment, rising
population and urban migration could be solved.
While many argue in favour of
agroecology and regard it as a strategy for radical social change, some
are happier for it to bring certain benefits to farmers and local
communities and see nothing wrong with it being integrated within a
globalised system of capitalism that continues to centralise power and
generally serve the interests of the global seed, food processing and
retail players. And that is the danger: a model of agriculture with so
much potential being incorporated into a corrupt system designed to suit
the needs of these corporate interests.
But
there is only so much that can be achieved at grass-root level by
ordinary people, often facilitated by non-governmental agencies. As long
as politicians at national and regional levels are co-opted by the US
and its corporations, seeds will continue to be appropriated, lands
taken, water diverted, legislation enacted, research institutes funded
and policy devised to benefit global agribusiness.
The original source of this article is Global Research
Copyright © Colin Todhunter, Global Research, 2016
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