Former Israeli Intel Official Claims Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell Worked for Israel
 
In Brief
- The Facts:This article was written by a Whitney Webb, a MintPress News journalist based in Chile. It was originally published at Mintpressnews.com, posted here with permission.
 - Reflect On:Was Jeffrey Epstein’s sexual blackmail enterprise was an Israel intelligence operation run for the purpose o entrapping powerful individuals and politicians?
 
Since
 the apparent death by suicide of Jeffrey Epstein in a Manhattan prison,
 much has come to light about his depraved activities and methods used 
to sexually abuse underage girls and entrap the rich and powerful for 
the purposes of blackmail. Epstein’s ties to intelligence, described 
in-depth in a recent MintPress investigative series,
 have continued to receive minimal mainstream media coverage, which has 
essentially moved on from the Epstein scandal despite the fact that his 
many co-conspirators remain on the loose.
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For those who have examined Epstein’s 
ties to intelligence, there are clear links to both U.S. intelligence 
and Israeli intelligence, leaving it somewhat open to debate as to which
 country’s intelligence apparatus was closest to Epstein and most 
involved in his blackmail/sex-trafficking activities. A recent interview
 given by a former high-ranking official in Israeli military 
intelligence has claimed that Epstein’s sexual blackmail enterprise was 
an Israel intelligence operation run for the purpose of entrapping 
powerful individuals and politicians in the United States and abroad.
In an interview with Zev Shalev, former CBS News executive producer and award-winning investigative journalist for Narativ,
 the former senior executive for Israel’s Directorate of Military 
Intelligence, Ari Ben-Menashe, claimed not only to have met Jeffrey 
Epstein and his alleged madam, Ghislaine Maxwell, back in the 1980s, but
 that both Epstein and Maxwell were already working with Israeli intelligence during that time period.
“They found a niche”
In an interview last week with the independent outlet Narativ,
 Ben-Menashe, who himself was involved in Iran-Contra arms deals, told 
his interviewer Zev Shalev that he had been introduced to Jeffrey 
Epstein by Robert Maxwell in the mid-1980s while Maxwell’s and 
Ben-Menashe’s involvement with Iran-Contra was ongoing. Ben-Menashe did 
not specify the year he met Epstein.
Ben-Menashe told Shalev that “he 
[Maxwell] wanted us to accept him [Epstein] as part of our group …. I’m 
not denying that we were at the time a group that it was Nick Davies 
[Foreign Editor of the Maxwell-Owned Daily Mirror], it was 
Maxwell, it was myself and our team from Israel, we were doing what we 
were doing.” Past reporting by Seymour Hersh and others revealed that Maxwell,
 Davies and Ben-Menashe were involved in the transfer and sale of  
military equipment and weapons from Israel to Iran on behalf of Israeli 
intelligence during this time period.
He then added that Maxwell had stated 
during the introduction that “your Israeli bosses have already approved”
 of Epstein. Shalev later noted that Maxwell “had an extensive network 
in Israel at the time, which included [the later Prime Minister] Ariel 
Sharon, according to Ben-Menashe.”
Ben-Menashe went on to say that he had 
“met him [Epstein] a few times in Maxwell’s office, that was it.” He 
also said he was not aware of Epstein being involved in arms deals for 
anyone else he knew at the time, but that Maxwell wanted to involve 
Epstein in the arms transfer in which he, Davies and Ben-Menashe were 
engaged on Israel’s behalf.
However, as MintPress reported in Part IV of the investigative series “Inside the Jeffrey Epstein Scandal: Too Big to Fail,”
 Epstein was involved with several arms dealers during this period of 
time, some of whom were directly involved in Iran-Contra arms deals 
between Israel and Iran. For instance, after leaving Bear Stearns in 
1981, Epstein began working in
 the realms of shadow finance as a self-described “financial bounty 
hunter,” where he would both hunt down and hide money for powerful 
people. One of these powerful individuals was Adnan Khashoggi, a Saudi 
arms dealer with close ties to both Israeli and U.S. intelligence and 
one of the main brokers of Iran-Contra arms deals between Israel and 
Iran. Epstein would later forge a business relationship with a CIA front
 company involved in another aspect of Iran-Contra, the airline Southern
 Air Transport, on behalf of Leslie Wexner’s company, The Limited.
During this period, it is also known 
that Epstein became well acquainted with the British arms dealer Sir 
Douglas Leese, who collaborated with Khashoggi on at least one 
British-Saudi arms deal in the 1980s. Leese would later introduce Epstein
 to Steven Hoffenberg, calling Epstein a “genius” and describing his 
lack of morals during that introduction. Thus, there are indications 
that Epstein was involved with Middle Eastern arms deals, including some
 related to Iran-Contra, during this period. In addition, Epstein would 
later claim (and then subsequently deny) having worked for the CIA 
during this period.
After having been introduced to Epstein,
 Ben-Menashe claimed that neither he nor Davies were impressed with 
Epstein and considered him “not very competent.” He added that Ghislaine
 Maxwell had “fallen for” Epstein and that he believed that the romantic
 relationship between his daughter and Epstein led Robert Maxwell to 
work to bring the latter into the “family business” — i.e., Maxwell’s 
dealings with Israeli intelligence. This information is very revealing, 
given that the narrative, until now at least, has been that Ghislaine 
Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein did not meet and begin their relationship 
until after Robert Maxwell’s death in 1991, after which Ghislaine moved 
to New York.
Ben-Menashe says that well after the 
introduction, though again he does not specify what year, Ghislaine 
Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein began a sexual blackmail operation with the 
purpose of extorting U.S. political and public figures on behalf of 
Israeli military intelligence. He stated:
In this case what really happened, my take on it, in the later thing, is that these guys were seen as agents. They weren’t really competent to do very much. And so they found a niche for themselves — blackmailing American and other political figures.”
He then confirmed, when prompted, that they were blackmailing Americans on behalf of Israeli intelligence.
In response to his statement, Zev Shalev replied, “But,
 you know, for most people it’s hard for them to think of Israel as 
being … blackmailing their leaders in the United States, it’s a very …” 
at which point, Ben-Menashe interrupted and the following exchange took 
place:
Ari Ben-Menashe:  You’re kidding?
 [laughs]…. It was quite their M.O. Sleeping around is not a crime, it 
may be embarrassing, but it’s not a crime, but sleeping with underage 
girls is a crime.
Shalev:  It was a crime in 2000 as well, but they let him off that…
Ben-Menashe:  And that it is [why] always so he [Epstein] made sure these girls were underage.
In addition, when Shalev asked Ben-Menashe about the relationship between
 Jeffrey Epstein and former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, 
Ben-Menashe stated “After a while, you know, what Mr. Epstein was doing 
was collecting intelligence on people in the United States. And so if 
you want to go to the U.S. if you’re a high-profile politician you want 
to know information about people.” Ben-Menashe subsequently stated that 
Barak was obtaining compromising information (i.e., blackmail) that 
Epstein had acquired on powerful people in the United States.
PROMIS, sex, and blackmail
If Robert Maxwell did recruit Epstein 
and bring him into the “family business” and the world of Israeli 
intelligence, as Ben-Menashe has claimed, it provides supporting 
evidence for information provided to MintPress by a former U.S. intelligence official, who chose to remain anonymous in light of the sensitivity of the claim.
This source, who has direct knowledge of
 the unauthorized use of PROMIS to support covert U.S. and Israeli 
intelligence projects, told MintPress that “some of the proceeds 
from the illicit sales of PROMIS were made available to Jeffrey Epstein 
for use in compromising targets of political blackmail.” As was noted in
 a Mintpress series on the Epstein scandal,
 much of Epstein’s funding also came from Ohio billionaire Leslie 
Wexner, who has documented ties to both organized crime and U.S. and 
Israeli intelligence.
After the PROMIS software was stolen 
from its rightful owner and developer, Inslaw Inc., through the 
collusion of both U.S. and Israeli officials, it was marketed mainly by 
two men: Earl Brian, a close aide to Ronald Reagan, later U.S. envoy to 
Iran and close friend of Israeli spymaster Rafi Eitan; and Robert 
Maxwell. Brian sold the bugged software through his company, Hadron 
Inc., while Maxwell sold it through an Israeli company he acquired 
called Degem. Before and following Maxwell’s acquisition of Degem, the 
company was a known front for Mossad operations and Mossad operatives in Latin America often posed as Degem employees.
With Maxwell — Epstein’s alleged 
recruiter and father of Epstein’s alleged madam — having been one of the
 main salespeople involved in selling PROMIS software on behalf of 
intelligence, he would have been in a key position to furnish Epstein’s 
nascent sexual blackmail operation with the proceeds from the sale of 
PROMIS.
This link between Epstein’s sexual 
blackmail operation and the PROMIS software scandal is notable given 
that the illicit use of PROMIS by U.S. and Israeli intelligence has been
 for blackmail purposes on U.S. public figures and politicians, as was 
described in a recent MintPress report.
Can an ex-spy be trusted?
When dealing in the world of deception 
and intrigue that defines intelligence operations, it is often difficult
 to determine whether any individual linked to an intelligence agency is
 telling the truth. Indeed, in the United States, there are examples of elected intelligence officials committing perjury and lying to Congress on several occasions with
 no consequences, and of intelligence officials feeding politically 
motivated and untrue information to agency assets in the media.
So, are Ari Ben-Menashe’s claims 
regarding Epstein and the Maxwells trustworthy? In addition to the 
aforementioned, corroborating information for his claims, a review of 
Ben-Menashe’s post-intelligence career suggests this is the case.
Prior to his arrest in November 1989, 
Ben-Menashe was a high-ranking officer in a special unit of Israeli 
military intelligence. He would later claim that
 his arrest for attempting to sell American-made weapons to Iran was 
politically motivated, as he had threatened to expose what the U.S. 
government had done with the stolen PROMIS software if the U.S. did not 
cease providing Saddam Hussein’s Iraq with chemical weapons. Ben-Menashe
 was later acquitted when
 a U.S. court determined that his involvement in the attempted sale of 
military equipment to Iran was done on behalf of the Israeli state.
After his arrest, Ben-Menashe was visited in prison by Robert Parry, the former Newsweek contributor and Associated Press reporter who would later found and run Consortium News until his recent passing last year. Parry remembered that,
 during that interview, “Ben-Menashe offered me startling new 
information about the Iran-Contra scandal, which I thought that I knew 
quite well.”
Israel’s government immediately began to
 attack Ben-Menashe’s credibility following his interview with Parry, 
and claimed that Ben-Menashe had never worked for Israeli intelligence. 
When Parry soon found evidence that
 Ben-Menashe had indeed served in Israeli military intelligence, 
Israel’s government was then forced to admit that he had worked for 
military intelligence, but only as a “low-level translator.” Yet, the documentation Parry
 had uncovered described Ben-Menashe as having served in “key positions”
 and performed “complex and sensitive assignments.”
A year later, Ben-Menashe would be 
interviewed by another journalist, Seymour Hersh. It would be 
Ben-Menashe who first revealed to Hersh secrets about Israel’s nuclear 
program and the fact that British media mogul Robert Maxwell was an 
Israeli spy, revelations that Hersh would not only independently 
corroborate but include in his book The Samson Option: Israel’s Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy. Hersh was then sued by Robert Maxwell and the Maxwell-owned Mirror Group for libel. The case was later settled in
 Hersh’s favor, as the claims Hersh had made were true and not libelous.
 As a result, the Mirror Group paid Hersh for damages, covered his legal
 costs, and issued him a formal apology.
After Ben-Menashe’s interviews by Hersh 
and Parry, Israel’s government was apparently concerned enough about 
what Ben-Menashe would tell congressional investigators that it attempted to kidnap him and
 bring him back to Israel to face state charges, much like Israeli 
intelligence had done to Israel’s nuclear-weapons whistleblower 
Mordechai Vanunu. The plan was foiled largely thanks to Parry.
Parry, who broke many key stories 
related to the Iran-Contra scandal in the 1980s and beyond, was tipped 
off by a U.S. intelligence source about a joint U.S.-Israel plan to have
 Ben-Menashe first be denied entry to the United States on his planned 
trip to give congressional testimony. Per the plan, Ben-Menashe would be
 denied entry to the U.S. in Los Angeles and then be deported to Israel,
 where he would have stood trial for “exposing state secrets.” Parry 
called Ben-Menashe and convinced him to delay his flight until he 
secured a guarantee for safe passage from the U.S. government.
Ben-Menashe subsequently gave a sworn statement to
 the House Judiciary Committee that mostly focused on U.S.-Israel 
collusion regarding the theft and creation of a “backdoor” into the 
PROMIS software. Ben-Menashe offered to name names and provide 
corroborating evidence for several of his claims if he was offered 
immunity by the committee, which, for whatever reason. declined that 
request.
Prior to the conclusion of the Hersh 
“libel” trial, which would later uphold Ben-Menashe’s claims regarding 
Robert Maxwell’s Mossad activities as true, there was a concerted effort
 in the U.S. press to downplay Ben-Menashe’s credibility. For instance, Newsweek — in an article on Ben-Menashe entitled “One Man, Many Tales”
 — claimed that “inconsistencies may undermine Ben-Menashe’s testimony 
in the British courtroom proceedings,” citing inconsistencies from 
sources in Israel’s government and Israeli intelligence as well as Ben-Menashe’s ex-wife and Israeli journalist Shmuel (or Samuel) Segev, a former IDF colonel. It goes without saying that such sources had much to gain from any effort to discredit Ben-Menashe’s claims.
According to Parry, this media campaign, which employed American journalists with close ties to
 Israel’s government and intelligence agencies, was very successful “in 
marginalizing Ben-Menashe by 1993, at least in the eyes of the 
Washington Establishment.” After a years-long media campaign to 
discredit Ben-Menashe, “the Israelis seemed to view him as a declining 
threat, best left alone. He was able to pick up the pieces of his life, 
creating a second act as an international political consultant and 
businessman arranging sales of grain.” The effort to marginalize 
Ben-Menashe has continued well into recent years, with mainstream news 
outlets still referring to him as a “self-described ex-Israeli spy”
 — despite the well-documented fact that Ben-Menashe worked for Israeli 
intelligence — as a means of downplaying his claims regarding his time 
in Israel’s intelligence service.
After the conclusion of the Hersh libel 
trial, Ben-Menashe became an international political consultant who 
“surrounded his far-flung business activities in secrecy and got 
involved with some controversial international figures, such as 
Zimbabwe’s leader Robert Mugabe,” and
“conducted his international consulting 
business … in a wide variety of global hotspots, including conflict 
zones,” according to Parry. In addition to Mugabe, Ben-Menashe has also recently come under fire for his consulting work on behalf of Sudan’s military junta and Venezuelan opposition politician Henri Falcón.
Ben-Menashe has also maintained ties to several different intelligence services and eventually became a controversial whistleblower whose information led to the arrest of the former head of Canada’s Security Intelligence Review Committee, Arthur Porter.
As far as his character is concerned, Parry noted that
 Ben-Menashe could often be “his own worst enemy” and that, even though 
Parry considered his information regarding Iran-Contra and PROMIS 
reliable and noted that much of it was later corroborated, he “often 
compound[ed] his media problem by treating journalists in a high-handed 
manner, either due to his suspicions of them or his arrogance.”
Bill Hamilton, the original developer of
 the PROMIS software and head of Inslaw Inc., also found Ben-Menashe’s 
claims regarding the illicit use of PROMIS by U.S. and Israeli 
intelligence agencies to be credible, though he expressed doubts about 
Ben-Menashe’s character.
Hamilton told MintPress the following about Ben-Menashe:
Ari Ben Menashe was the first source to tell us reliable information about the role of Rafi Eitan and Israeli intelligence vis-a-vis PROMIS but, in the end, of course, he was a clandestine services-type guy whose official duties include the ability and willingness to lie, cheat, and steal.”
A threat revived
While Ben-Menashe may have been viewed as a “declining threat” after the early 1990s, his plans to meet with Robert Parry of Consortium News years
 later in 2012 to discuss Iran-Contra and other covert dealings of the 
1980s appeared to change that. Right before he planned to travel from 
Canada to the United States to meet with Parry and “finally prove” the 
truthfulness of his past claims, a fire-bomb was thrown into his Montreal home, destroying it.
Though Canadian media referred to the incendiary device as a “molotov cocktail,” Consortium News reported that
 “the arson squad’s initial assessment is said to be that the flammable 
agent was beyond the sort of accelerant used by common criminals,” 
leading to speculation that the accelerant was military-grade.
Had it not been for the bomb, the 
origins of which Canadian police failed to determine, Ben-Menashe would 
have traveled to the U.S. alongside a “senior Israeli intelligence 
figure” to be interviewed by Parry. The other intelligence-linked 
individual, according to Parry,
 “concluded that the attack was meant as a message from Israeli 
authorities to stay silent about the historical events that he was 
expected to discuss.”
Though neither Ben-Menashe nor Parry directly blamed Israel’s government for the destruction of Ben-Menashe’s home, Parry noted that
 the bombing did succeed in “intimidating Ben-Menashe, shutting down 
possible new disclosures of Israeli misconduct from the other 
intelligence veteran, and destroying records that would have helped 
Ben-Menashe prove whatever statements he might make.”
While Ben-Menashe’s post-intelligence 
associations with controversial governments and individuals have given 
plenty of fodder to the still thriving media campaign to discredit his 
claims about covert U.S.-Israel operations in the 1980s, there remain 
troubling indications that the Israeli government sees his information 
on decades-old events as a threat.
Now, with the major efforts by powerful 
Americans and Israelis to distance themselves from Jeffrey Epstein and 
other figures associated with his depraved sex trafficking operation, 
Ben-Menashe may soon again find his reputation — and perhaps more — 
under fire.
Feature photo | Graphic by Claudio Cabrera
Whitney Webb is a 
MintPress News journalist based in Chile. She has contributed to several
 independent media outlets including Global Research, EcoWatch, the Ron 
Paul Institute and 21st Century Wire, among others. She has made several
 radio and television appearances and is the 2019 winner of the Serena 
Shim Award for Uncompromised Integrity in Journalism.


 
 
