The
Menace of the Military Mind
By Chris Hedges
February 03, 2014 "Information Clearing House - "Truthdig" - I had my first experience with the U.S. military when I was a young reporter covering the civil war in El Salvador. We journalists were briefed at the American Embassy each week by a U.S. Army colonel who at the time headed the military group of U.S. advisers to the Salvadoran army. The reality of the war, which lasted from 1979 to 1992, bore little resemblance to the description regurgitated each week for consumption by the press. But what was most evident was not the blatant misinformation—this particular colonel had apparently learned to dissemble to the public during his multiple tours in Vietnam—but the hatred of the press by this man and most other senior officers in the U.S. military. When first told that he would have to meet the press once a week, the colonel reportedly protested against having to waste his time with those “limp-dicked communists.”
By Chris Hedges
February 03, 2014 "Information Clearing House - "Truthdig" - I had my first experience with the U.S. military when I was a young reporter covering the civil war in El Salvador. We journalists were briefed at the American Embassy each week by a U.S. Army colonel who at the time headed the military group of U.S. advisers to the Salvadoran army. The reality of the war, which lasted from 1979 to 1992, bore little resemblance to the description regurgitated each week for consumption by the press. But what was most evident was not the blatant misinformation—this particular colonel had apparently learned to dissemble to the public during his multiple tours in Vietnam—but the hatred of the press by this man and most other senior officers in the U.S. military. When first told that he would have to meet the press once a week, the colonel reportedly protested against having to waste his time with those “limp-dicked communists.”
For
the next 20 years I would go on from war zone to war zone as
a foreign correspondent immersed in military culture.
Repetitive rote learning and an insistence on blind
obedience—similar to the approach used to train a dog—work
on the battlefield. The military exerts nearly total control
over the lives of its members. Its long-established
hierarchy ensures that those who embrace the approved modes
of behavior rise and those who do not are belittled,
insulted and hazed. Many of the marks of civilian life are
stripped away. Personal modes of dress, hairstyle, speech
and behavior are heavily regulated. Individuality is
physically and then psychologically crushed. Aggressiveness
is rewarded. Compassion is demeaned. Violence is the
favorite form of communication. These qualities are an asset
in war; they are a disaster in civil society.
Homer
in “The Iliad” showed his understanding of war. His heroes
are not pleasant men. They are vain, imperial, filled with
rage and violent. And Homer’s central character in “The
Odyssey,” Odysseus, in his journey home from war must learn
to shed his “hero’s heart,” to strip from himself the
military attributes that served him in war but threaten to
doom him off the battlefield. The qualities that serve us in
war defeat us in peace.
Most
institutions have a propensity to promote mediocrities,
those whose primary strengths are knowing where power lies,
being subservient and obsequious to the centers of power and
never letting morality get in the way of one’s career. The
military is the worst in this respect. In the military,
whether at the Paris Island boot camp or West Point, you are
trained not to think but to obey. What amazes me about the
military is how stupid and bovine its senior officers are.
Those with brains and the willingness to use them seem to be
pushed out long before they can rise to the senior-officer
ranks. The many Army generals I met over the years not only
lacked the most rudimentary creativity and independence of
thought but nearly always saw the press, as well as an
informed public, as impinging on their love of order,
regimentation, unwavering obedience to authority and
single-minded use of force to solve complex problems.
So
when I heard James R. Clapper Jr., a retired Air Force
lieutenant general and currently the federal government’s
director of national intelligence,
denounce Edward Snowden and his “accomplices”—meaning
journalists such as Glenn Greenwald and Laura Poitras—before
the Senate Intelligence Committee last week I was not
surprised. Clapper charged, without offering any evidence,
that the Snowden disclosures had caused “profound damage”
and endangered American lives. And all who have aided
Snowden are, it appears, guilty of treason in Clapper’s
eyes.
Clapper and many others who have come out of the military
discern no difference between terrorists and reporters, and
by reporters I am not referring to the boot-licking
courtiers on television and in Washington who masquerade as
reporters. Carry out an interview with a member of al-Qaida,
as I have, and you become in the eyes of generals like
Clapper a member of al-Qaida. Most generals I know recognize
no need for an independent press. The munchkins who
dutifully sit through their press briefings or follow them
around in preapproved press pools and publish their lies are
the generals’ idea of journalism.
When I
was in Central America the U.S. officers who were providing
support to the military of El Salvador or Guatemala, along
with help to the
Contra forces then fighting the Sandinista government in
Nicaragua, did not distinguish between us journalists and
the rebel forces or the leftist Sandinista government. We
were one and the same. The reporters and photographers,
often after a day or two of hiking to reach small villages,
would report on massacres by the Salvadoran army, the
Guatemalan army or the Contras. When the stories appeared,
the U.S. officers usually would go volcanic. But their rage
would be directed not at those who pulled the triggers but
at those who wrote about the mass killings or photographed
the bodies.
This
is why, after Barack Obama signed into law Section 1021 of
the National Defense Authorization Act, which permits the
U.S. military to seize U.S. citizens who “substantially
support” al-Qaida, the Taliban or “associated forces,” to
strip them of due process and to hold them indefinitely in
military detention centers, I sued the president. I and my
fellow plaintiffs won in U.S. District Court. When Obama
appealed the ruling it was overturned. We are now trying to
go to the Supreme Court. Section 1021 is a chilling reminder
of what people like Clapper could do to destroy
constitutional rights. They see no useful role for a free
press, one that questions and challenges power, and are
deeply hostile to its existence. I expect Clapper, if he has
a free hand, to lock us up, just as the Egyptian military
has
arrested a number of Al-Jazeera journalists, including
some Westerners, on terrorism-related charges. The military
mind is amazingly uniform.
The
U.S. military has won the ideological war. The nation sees
human and social problems as military problems. To fight
terrorists Americans have become terrorists. Peace is for
the weak. War is for the strong. Hypermasculinity has
triumphed over empathy. We Americans speak to the world
exclusively in the language of force. And those who oversee
our massive security and surveillance state seek to speak to
us in the same demented language. All other viewpoints are
to be shut out. “In the absence of contrasting views, the
very highest form of propaganda warfare can be fought: the
propaganda for a definition of reality within which only
certain limited viewpoints are possible,”
C. Wright Mills wrote. “What is being promulgated and
reinforced is the military metaphysics—the cast of mind that
defines international reality as basically military.”
This
is why people like James Clapper and the bloated military
and security and surveillance apparatus must not have
unchecked power to conduct wholesale surveillance, to carry
out
extraordinary renditions and to imprison Americans
indefinitely as terrorists. This is why the nation, as our
political system remains mired in paralysis, must stop
glorifying military values. In times of turmoil the military
always seems to be a good alternative. It presents the
facade of order. But order in the military, as the people of
Egypt are now learning again, is akin to slavery. It is the
order of a prison. And that is where Clapper and his fellow
generals and intelligence chiefs would like to place any
citizen who dares to question their unimpeded right to turn
us all into mindless recruits. They have the power to make
their demented dreams a reality. And it is our task to take
this power from them.
Chris Hedges spent nearly two decades as a foreign
correspondent in Central America, the Middle East, Africa
and the Balkans. He has reported from more than 50 countries
and has worked for The Christian Science Monitor, National
Public Radio, The Dallas Morning News and The New York
Times, for which he was a foreign correspondent for 15
years.
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